
^ 



'^0 

* o , 














N 



FREE MAN'S 

COMPANION; 

A NEW AND ORIGINAL WORK, 

CONSISTING OF NUMEROUS 

MORAL, POLITICAL AND PHILOSOPHICAL VIEWS, 

EXAMPLES AND EXPLANATIONS, 

TENDING TO ILLUSTRATE THE GENERAL CAUSE OF 
TRUTH, JUSTICE, VIRTUE, LIBERTY, AND HUMAN IMPROVEMENT; 

AND TO 

EXPOSE, CONTRAST AND DEFEAT THE SYSTEMS, POLICIES AND 
CONDUCT OF A 

CONTRARY AND FATAL TENDENCY. 



Liberty has crept and cringed, long enough — It is high time she stood upright 
and boldly maintained her true dignity and independence. 

Civoniocs. 



HARTFORD, 



PUBLISHED BY ABEL BREWSTER. 

P. Canfield, Printer. 



J.827. 



*h 






**>' 






DISTRICT OF COjXjYECTICUT, ss. 

Be it remembered, That on the thirteenth day of September, in the fifty - 
If. S* second year of the Independence of the United States of America, Abel 

Brewster, of the said District, hath deposited in this office the title of a 
Book, the right whereof he claims as author and proprietor in the words following, 
to wit : " Free Man's Companion ; a new and original work, consisting of nume- 
rous moral, political and philosophical views, examples and explanations, tending 
to illustrate the general cause of truth, justice, virtue, liberty, and human improve- 
ment ; and to expose, contrast and defeat the systems, policies and conduct of a 
contrary and fatal tendency,"'— in conformity to the act of Congress of the United 
States, entitled " An act for the encouragement of learning, by securing the co- 
pies of Maps, Charts and Books, to the authors and proprietors of such copies, dur- 
ing the times therein mentioned." — And also to the act, entitled, " An act supple- 
mentary to an act, entitled ' An act for the encouragement of learning, by secur- 
ing the copies of maps, charts, and books, to the authors and proprietors of such 
copies during the times therein mentioned,' and extending the benefits thereof to 
the arts of designing, engraving, and etching historical and other prints." 

CHAS A. INGERSOLL, 
Clerk of the District of Connecticut. 

A true eopy of Record, examined and sealed by me, 

CHAS. A. INGERSOLL, 
Clerk of the District of Connecticut. 



u*fc?;uJ7Sui 



PREFACE. 

IN offering this volume to the public, it is unnecessary to 
say much in the preface. The work mainly answers for itself. 
The matter has been the production of an arduous and sincere 
devotion to the general cause of truth and human happiness. 

Whatever errors may have occurred, in the selection of subjects, 
in the arrangement of matter, or in the reasoning indulged on the 
same, only requires pointing out, by fair and manly explanation 
and argument, to be acknowledged and corrected in a future edi- 
tion. But what has been said in truth and reason, it is hoped 
may be duly appreciated and regarded. 

Perhaps the language, in some instances, may be considered 
too strong to suit weak or diseased palates ; but if this should 
prove the case, it will be observed, that it was not the design of 
this undertaking, to nurse the vices or follies of mankind — but to 
enlighten the ignorant ; to caution the unwary ; to strengthen and 
confirm the virtuous ; and to detect and defeat error. 

Brevity, and the use of plain language, has been studied in the 
composition ; so as to render the matter comprehensible to people 
of common talents and information, without being tedious or ob- 
scure. Possibly it may be too brief, on some subjects, to satisfy 
a judicious inquiry ; if so, the matter may be improved in a future 
edition. 

By pursuing the volume through, the reader will find many in- 
quiries that may arise, from the perusal of a separate article, set- 



tied by matter in others. Different subjects mutually assist in 
explaining and extending the information of each other. 

Society is made up of a great variety of different professions, 
occupations, characters, habits, interests and conditions of life, 
each of which have their peculiar qualities, inclinations, connec- 
tions, bearings and final results. In order to effect an actual im- 
provement in the great moral and political condition of a nation or 
people, these parts should be examined separately, and then the 
whole viewed in operation together. The same as a skilful and 
judicious mechanic, engineer, or builder, examine their materials, 
and arrange, proportion and construct their work and designs, to 
produce the most perfect and desired result, and in the best possi- 
ble manner. 

Perhaps it would be impossible, to avoid the injurious prejudi- 
ces of weak minds, and the unjust and deceptive constructions 
and imputations of interested and evil minded adversaries : it is 
however the good, and the approbation of the common people — 
chiefly the American farmers and mechanics, that is here partic- 
ularly sought and desired . 



i 



* * 



TABLE OF CONTENTS. 



Truth, ..... 


9 


Prejudice, ..... 


10 


Education, . . . 


12 


Freedom of Speech, . 


13 


Disinterested Actions, 


16 


Monopolies, .... 


17 


Party, 


18 


Charity, $. 


21 


Novels, ..... 


23 


Public Schools, .... 


26 


Philosophical Debating Societies, 


28 


Chief Cause of Virtue and Vice, 


31 


Pillars of a Republic, 


34 


Remarks on the Acquisition of Property, 


34 


Indolence inclined to Despotism, 


35 


Honesty the Best Policy, 


36 


Honour, . 


38 


Justice, 


39 


War, 


40 


Slavery, ..... 


43 


Distinctions of Birth, 


44 


Credit, ..... 


44 


Commerce, .... 


46 


Fine-spun Arguments, . . , : 


48 


Public Celebrations, 


49 


Costly Local Monuments, 


50 


Duelling, or the Club Law, 


50 


Civilization, .... 


52 


Kingcraft, ..... 


55 


Ruling Principles of Different Governments, 


60 


Human Improvement, 


67 


Effects of Habit, ..... 


69 


Fool, .... 


70 


Lying, ..... 


72 


Monarchy in Disguise, *^ 


73 


The Press, and its Allurements, 


79 


Newspapers, zJAL* 


83 


Public Sentinel, . 


88 






VI, 



TABLE OF CONTENTS 



Education and Instruction of the People, 
A few words of Advice to Freemen or Republican Electors, 
Virtuous and Wise Policy, No. 1, 
No. 2, 
Established Rate of Interest for the use of Money, 
Remarks on Taxation, 
Political Knowledge, 
A Brief Contrast between some of the leading particulars 

of Monarchy and Republicanism, 
Juryman's Guide, 
British System and Policy, 

The most truly Just and Honourable Profession of Men, 
True Pride of Civilized Man, 
Warning concerning three Professional Characters, 
The Light of Heaven no Mystery, 
Oratory, 
Lawyers, 



Remarks on Government, No 

No 
No 



Judiciary Censor, No. 1, 

No. 2, 

No. 3, 

No. 4, 

No. 5, 

No. 6, 

No. 7, 

No. 8, 

No. 9, 

No. 10, 

No. 11, 

No. 12, 

No. 13, 

No. 14, 

Arbitrations, 

A Brief Contrast between a Miser and Spendthrift, 
Remarks on the Education of Children, No 1 , 

No. 2, 
Systems of Education, 
College Learning, A, t 

Republican Encyclopedia, 
Craft, ..... 

Conversation between a Lawyer, a Farmer, and a Me- 
chanic, respecting the formation of a State Con- 
stitution, 



93 
94 
98 
102 
104 
106 
108 

109 

110 

112 

114 

118 

119 

120 

126 

127 

136 

139 

140 

142 

144 

346 

148 

150 

152 

156 

160 

162 

163 

165 

166 

168 

169 

171 

180 

181 

185 

187 

194 

196 

199 



20& 



TABLE OF CONTENT?. 



Vll. 



Literary Craft, 
Old Family Compacts, 
Systems of Religion, 
Medical Craft, 

Religious and Political Reviews, 
Rogues' Policy, 
A Hypocrite, 
Robbers in Disguise, 
Equality of Prices for Nominally the same Personal Servi- 
ces, 
Satan's Tax Gatherer, 
Speculating Nobility, 
Balance of Power, 
Caucus System, 
Sovereignty of the People, 
Improvements in Legislation, 
Mercy, 
Litigation, 
Keeping Justice Off, 
Terrors of Law, 
Most Honourable Profession, 
Contempt of Court, 
Court of Chancery, 
Common Law, 
Independent Judiciary, 
Law-craft, 

Samples of Law-craft, No. 1, 
No. 2, 
Interest and Duty of Freemen, 
General Policy and Fruits of a System of Bankruptcy, 
Conversations between a Monarchist and a Republican, 
Political Reflections, No. 1, 
No. 2, 
The Policy of Satan, .... 

Brief General Remarks on a Variety of Subjects. 



Page 
205 
209 
210 
211 
213 
216 
218 
221 

222 
224 
225 
228 
229 
231 
232 
233 
234 
237 
239 
240 
242 
242 
243 
247 
251 
261 
264 
272 
275 
276 
302 
309 
314 
315 



ERRATA. 

The reader will please correct the following errors, which escaped the 
press : 

]3th page, near the middle, for exert in them, read, excites in them 
14th 8th line from bottom, for plausible, read peaceable 

23rd for interestingly, read interestedly 

242 1 5th for deserving, read discerning 

369 near the middle, for arts are base, read acts are base. 



m 



> 







T 



9 



** 



TRUTH. 

We are generally inclined, at first thought — from the natural 
sincerity of the human senses, to consider those who flatter and 
deceive us, as our friends, and those who tell us the truth, as our 
enemies : but, surely, no one can wish to be deceived — although 
they may wish to deceive others. Hence it is plain, if you are 
my friend, you will tell me the truth — if not, you'll deceive me. 

That person, who is offended at merely the truth, must be weak, 
or wicked, indeed. 

Knaves and tyrants dread the truth, because it exposes their 
wickedness and deformity. 

By encouraging others to tell us the truth, concerning ourselves, 
it enables one to knoiv himself 

Truth never injured any ones real character ; but' error has 
robbed thousands, and of that which is far more precious fc than 
silver or gold. 

Truth is the noblest attribute of human virtue and wisdom — the 
guardian of justice and humanity ; and the foe to fraud, oppression 
and cruelty. 

The general principles of truth, are self-evident, immutable and 
eternal ; and, properly regarded, they have a powerful tendency to 
exalt the human character to happiness and glory. But error has 
no principle. It is a mere fiction, the fruits of ignorance, or the 
artifice of vice ; and which generally leads men downwards to 
darkness and misery. 

The mode of truth, is light, simple and easy ; but the fashion of 
error, is dark, crooked and complex. It is even within the capa- 
city of a child, to tell the truth, when he knows it ; but it often 
baffles the skill of an unprincipled and experienced lawyer, to 
find a substitute for truth. 

There can be only one true account, given of any particular 
matter, transaction or circumstance ; but a thousand partial or er- 



10 PREJUDICE. 

roneous statements may be made of the same, and much learning 
employed to embellish and render them plausible or pleasing. 

Truth needs no apology ; but error requires all the arts of so- 
phistry to give it currency. 

Confirmed bigots and designing knaves, hypocritically cry be- 
ware of philosophy, because philosophy is the light of the world, 
the key to truth, the actual science of reasoning, whereby the 
cause and effect are correctly ascertained, and error and hypocrisy 
detected. 

Truth, like the light of the sun, banishes the creatures of dark- 
ness and superstition, 

Error vanishes like the phantoms of a dream, on inspection ; 
but truth shines forth in all its glory. 

The fool marvels at the mysterious darkness and complexity of 
error, and confides in what he cannot comprehend ; but the wise 
man admires truth for its simplicity, consistency and usefulness, 
and pities or despises those who disregard it. 



Prejudice. 

Prejudice, is principally imbibed by education; and those wha 
have the chief management of education, are most inclined to 
impose on their fellow beings. Learned men, for the most part, 
combine to keep the common people ignorant — to let them have 
no information, only such as forms them for the purpose of subor- 
dination, imposition and slavery. 

Prejudice is a tyrant of the human understanding — that blinds 
men, and often makes the best disposed, counteract, even that 
which they most desire success. Hence men blunder into un- 
wise measures — monarchy and slavery ; and three fourths of the 
world are already shackled with chains of their own forging.— 
(Is man, indeed, any where enslaved or degraded, and he hath 
not done it himself ? Who is there on this globe, to persecute or 
tyrannise over man, except his fellow man ?) 

The powers of prejudice, when contrasted, are truly wonderful : 
when ones prejudice is inclined against a person or character. 



PREJUDICE. 11 

jealousy magnifies a mite to a monster, and he criticises only to 
find fault ; but when our prejudices are in favour of an object, 
charity's mild influence reduces every thing offensive to a mere 
shadow, and we seek only to commend and approve. And there is 
few persons or characters under heaven, but may be censured, or 
approved, in numerous instances. 

Nothing perhaps shows the powers of prejudice more clearly, 
than the opinions entertained of the same act, in different coun- 
tries. For instance, self-murder, is considered one of the most 
odious offences, in christian countries ; but such is their opinion 
in Hindostan, that the surviving widow of a deceased husband, 
abandons her tender offspring, and voluntarily burns to death, in 
the full faith that she shall inherit eternal bliss for the deed! 

Suppose two persons, of equal abilities, and of similar disposi- 
tions — one of whom should hear the evidence and pleadings of 
only one of the parties, (plaintiff or defendant,) as they are usually 
employed in a complicated suit at law, and the other person 
should hear only the opposite evidence and pleadings — would they 
not differ in their opinions on the merits of the case ? Such is 
the case of those, who read or hear, only one side. 

" If every body would hear and believe me," says unprincipled 
ambition, " I would soon ride on the top." 

Men who read or hear both sides, do not always judge fairly, 
for mankind are too apt to form opinions, and then seek only 
such information as pleases them and strengthens the prejudices 
already contracted. Hence men of violent tempers and strong 
passions, frequently get their prejudices so clinched, as to stran- 
gle reason, and absolutely set truth at defiance ! Such people may 
be truly said to commit violence on their own understandings. 

It is disagreeable to hear our own faults and errors ; although 
nothing is more generally beneficial to mankind, than to know the 
truth. 

Every man is naturally inclined to consider his own acts or 
opinions, as wise or consistent. 

It is very difficult to reason with prejudice — it may be conquer- 
ed by stratagem or surprise. 

The following story may serve to illustrate the subject. Some 



12 « EDUCATION. 

fifty years ago, or better, an old man, manifesting his attachment 
to ancient customs, by the singular antiquity of his dress, and the 
equipage of his horse, standing out at the door of his house, in 
the country, and just in the act of putting a large round stone in- 
to the mouth of a bag to balance a bushel of grain on horse-back, 
to be carried to mill, an enlightened and friendly gentleman who 
happened to be passing by at the moment, very civilly accosted the 
old man, to know why he did not divide the grain in the bag and 
let it balance itself, and so avoid the necessity of carrying the 
great stone : at which the old man replied, with an air manifest- 
ing his contempt of his adviser, " Do you think you know more 
than me, my father, and my grandfather before me ? we have 

ALL CARRIED THAT SAME STONE !" 

When we reflect on the facility with which man harnesses and 
drives about, large animals of the brute creation, vastly his supe- 
riors in bodily strength, we often feel a degree of pity for the ig- 
norance of the poor brutes ; but when we behold millions of ra- 
tional beings, reduced to the lowest servitude and degradation — 
subject to the will of a single fellow being, our astonishment is 
complete — until we comprehend the powers of prejudice, that ty- 
rant of the human understanding. 



Education. 

Nature endows men with genius or talents, and art or educa- 
tion cultivates and expands them. It is not to be presumed that 
a man is good, just, virtuous and well disposed, merely because 
he has had an education ; but frequently the contrary. 

The means which education furnishes men with to commit 
fraud, and to avoid detection and punishment, are often strong ex- 
citements to acts of injustice and cruelty. Education sometimes 
furnishes men with 

"skill to grace, 
A devil's purpose with an Angel's face. 1 ' 

Education, especially that which is confined to polite or fash 



FREEDOM OF SPEECH. 13 

lonable accomplishments, is too often directed to arts of hypocri- 
sy and oppression ; instead of cultivating and expanding the vir- 
tuous and useful faculties and propensities of the body and mind. 
The youth of both sexes, often fancy themselves wonderfully ac- 
complished, when they can successfully disguise an evil disposition, 
or bad complexion ; the loss of virtue, or the lack of money or an 
ample fortune. 

Learned men frequently seem to think better of fraud, commit- 
ted learnedly, than of a virtuous deed performed clumsily or with- 
out ceremony. 

Men of education generally seem to have a kind of sympathy 
for the fortunes and feelings of those of their own standing or 
condition in society ; while they often treat with indifference or 
contempt, the wrongs and sufferings of those, who are unable to 
remonstrate or state their cases in what is termed " respectful 
language." - 

Liberal educations, as they are usually termed, do not give men 
liberal minds ; but too often puff them up with hypocritical and 
vain ideas of their own worth and consequence, and exert in them 
a kind of hankering for extra privileges. 

Every man is learned, in what he knows — but ignorant of every 
thing else. A person the most learned in law, divinity, or the 
like, frequently appears like a novice, in a tinker's shop. 



Freedom of Speech. 

Republicans, should be bold, manly and ingenuous, in their 
investigations. Sophistry and quibbling becomes the creeping 
slaves of bigotry and despotism. 

The freedom of speech is the very soul of liberty ; without 
which there can be no such thing as just, rational or manly privi- 
leges. 

No persons should ever be punished, or harmed for what they 
had written or said, without Jie clearest evidence of malice, and 
an intention to injure, withourany reasonable or just cause of re- 
sentment ; and then, generally, not until they had been duly noti- 



14 FREEDOM OF SPEECH. 

iied of the offence, and allowed fair time and a reasonable oppor- 
tunity to retract or correct themselves, as far as practicable, by 
peaceable means. 

I have known many serious lawsuits, for alleged violations of 
the freedom of the press, or privileges of speech ; three fourths 
of which evidently originated in treachery or malice ; and were 
eventually productive of, perhaps ten times the evil consequences 
to society, as the alleged offences — by exciting and indulging 
treachery, revenge, persecution and oppression, and spreading the 
contagion of human depravity and misery, far and wide. 

And after all, the public will believe just as they please about 
the matter written or uttered. A legal decision does not always 
alter the case. A wrong verdict may have been procured by false 
swearing, or other erroneous evidence, or through the secret and 
extraordinary arts, interests, designs and management of the 
court, or lawyers ; or it may have happened through the prejudice, 
ignorance, fear, or even treachery, of a jury. It might also result 
from accidental causes, in bringing forward evidence ; a defendant 
may not have been able to prove all that he had said in truth, 

It has not been uncommon for unprincipled men, when their 
conduct or character has been exposed, and they think the facts 
cannot he proved, to make a mighty bluster, and perhaps appeal to 
law — especially when against one whom the court and lawyers de- 
sire to sacrifice ! Some times this is done to get a person's money 
wrongfully, or to indulge a persecuting and oppressive disposition, 
or policy, in order to intimidate and overawe honest men, or si- 
lence them against knaves, hypocrites and tyrants, by the quibbles, 
quirks and terrors of lawcraft. 

It is very seldom necessary to appeal to law, in defence of ones 
real character, for there is generally a plausible, and pretty sure 
way of refuting falsehood, and of repelling scandal, that is within 
the power of most people ; and which is far preferable to any pro- 
tection the laws afford us, generally, and particularly taking their 
present obscure, tedious, vexatious, expensive and uncertain issue, 
into full consideration. 

Falsehood and scandal often dejfpit themselves, by their malig- 
nance and inconsistency ; and at other times, simply to deny a false 



FREEDOM OF SPEECH. 15 

charge, is sufficient to render it harmless, or repel it against its 
author. It is generally a pretty true saying, that, 

" Let envy alone, and it will punish itself.'' 

Every printer who publishes a false and defamatory charge, 
should be legally bound to insert a confutation or reply, if offered, 
and particularly if required by the injured party ; so that the anti- 
dote might retrace the poison in the same channel in which it ori- 
ginated, or as nigh so as practicable. 

To write or print, openly, what one has to say on any subject of 
public notoriety or importance, so that their exact words and mean- 
ing cannot easily be denied, or misunderstood, is infinitely more 
fair and honorable, than to circulate the same by secret or verbal 
reports, subject to boundless additions, alterations and equivoca- 
tions. What is said openly and definitely of a person, may be met 
and contradicted or refuted, if false ; but who can reach the bane 
of secret falsehood, which often preys upon its intended victim like 
a cancer nigh the heart, out of sight and the reach of remedies. — 
It robs you in the dark, and then sets the premises on fire to con- 
ceal the escape of the cowardly and infamous assassin.* 

Fools and knaves dread the general freedom of speech, because 
it has a tendency to expose their weakness and depravity. 

* When Job's envious neighbours defamed him, during his awful re- 
verse of fortune, he exclaimed, " O, that mine enemy had written a 
book'' — ardently and honorably wishing, thereby, that they had written 
their charges against him, instead of verbally giving vent to the same — 
that he might have fairly met and confuted them. This is the only plain 
and reasonable construction the matter admits of; and jet, some, from 
a dread of such a custom — a fear of having their own unjust or infa- 
mous conduct or policy brought to light, through the definite, loud speak- 
ing and durable language of the press, endeavour, hypocritically, to 
stigmatize such a custom— as if it really was a reproach of ignorance 
and folly, for a person to write or print openly, manfully and fairly, what 
they think proper to promulgate or make public against others. 

Note : — The article we now call book, was not known when the histo- 
ry of Job was written. A bit of bark or skin written upon and rolled 
up, was called a book. So that any considerable and distinct piece of 
writing, might then have been termed " a book. v 



16 DISINTERESTED ACTIONS. 

Speak the truth out, boldly, and fear not, and eternal infamy 
be on those who would abridge the common freedom. 

There is always a fair presumption, of those who wish to en- 
tangle, intimidate, cramp or destroy the general freedom of 
speech, or of the press, that their policy and conduct will not bear 
the light of truth and public inspection. 



Disinterested Actions. 

We certainly mistake mankind, and thereby often subject our- 
selves to the various hypocritical arts and designs of intriguing 
politicians, and other unprincipled persons, when we give credit 
to their various disinterested pretensions. 

Self-love, is obviously the ruling passion of man ; and, because 
we do not always comprehend the motives that influence or con- 
trol human actions, is no evidence that mankind act without mo- 
tives. For my part, I frankly confess I feel a controling impulse 
that rules me throughout all my voluntary transactions. This 
moment while I write, I feel a desire to do good, and defeat evil — 
that I may participate in the former, and avoid the latter. 

The better the deed, the greater the motive in performing of it, 
with a sensible and good man. 

The vigilant and upright judge, has the honor and emolument of 
his office, constantly in view. 

Even the Holy Scriptures, promise a reward of fourfold, for 
whatever is given in charity to the poor. 

Zh's-interest, really has no other practical meaning, than to say, 
no interest ; and, if it be proper in any sense of the word, to say 
that a man acts disinterestedly, it must be in cases where he is in- 
different — don't care a cent, or has no direct interest. But, di- 
rectly, or indirectly, a man must have some interested motives, in 
order to act as an intelligent and rational, or consistent being. 

It is, indeed, both dangerous and absurd, to suppose that men 
are disinterested, in the voluntary transactions of life. 

Every rational being, certainly conceits he shall derive a benefit, 
or satisfaction, directly or indirectly, by every considerable act 
which he intentionally performs : and when we seek our own hap- 



MONOPOLIES. 17 

piness, in a manner consistent with the general good of society, 
in a moral and political point of view, we clearly perform all that 
is required of us, either as christians, or good citizens. It is self 

CONSISTENT WITH THE WHOLE. 

Hence, women and children, sensible of their own weak and 
defenceless condition, are generally the first to appeal to the laws 
of humanity. It has also been the policy of weak or defenceless 
states, to encourage humane treatment to prisoners of war, and 
others in the power of hostile nations or commanders. 

Humanity is nevertheless a noble impulse, and the more honora- 
ble to those, who have it in their power to be tyrants with immuni- 
ty, as it manifests their rule of virtue and reason. 

We should therefore learn to calculate, and to understand the 
probable motives that influence or control the particular professions, 
and actions of our fellow beings. 



Monopolies. 

Monopolies, like tigers, in their infancy, seem innocent or 
harmless ; but when full grown, like tyrants, they little regard the 
cries of justice and humanity. 

Some men unite their powers and efforts, to promote the public 
good, and to support their natural and just rights ; and some there 
are, who combine their talents to set the rights of others at defi- 
ance. 

Tyranny, by whomsoever exercised, and under whatever name 
it may exist, consists, simply in compelling others to do that which 
justice and reason forbids. 

A tyrannical government, is only a combination of monopolies, 
commanding the necessaries of life, and abridging the freedom of 
speech, and actions, necessary to the pursuit of human happiness. 

I think I see the hand of craft, under a variety of plausible, 
and even charitable forms and pretensions, already busily fabrica- 
ting these fatal engines of tyranny, in this celebrated land of lib- 
erty. 

3 



IS PARTY. 

Party. 

Party, like bile, agitates all its subjects from one extreme to 
the other, and neutralizes the product; or, as the extremes of 
weather renovates and tests the soundness of the human constitu- 
tion, so does the variety of views and opinions entertained in soci- 
ety, tend to enlighten mankind, and to expose the truth of men 
and measures: and, although they are all disagreeable in extremes, 
yet they are, on the whole, necessary and important. 

Under free government, human passions are vented in frequent, 
and light flashes and breezes, without effecting any material injury 
to the great body of society ; but where the iron hand of despot- 
ism stifles the voice of truth and the cries of suffering humanity, 
(as in the calm of despotism,) pain engenders secret indignation, 
until it bursts forth, like the fiery lava from Mount Etna and Vesu- 
vius, overrunning countries and kingdoms, by turns. 

Were there no difference in the views and opinions entertained 
in society, there would be no discussion — and soon no liberty. — 
Discussion is the very pruning-hoolc of liberty, that plucks up the 
weeds of aristocracy, and lops off the useless and unhealthy shoots 
and branches. 

Who indeed would dare, or even what individual could effectu- 
ally expose the wrong actions and unprincipled designs of men in 
power, without the aid and "support of a considerable and active 
party. 

It is not more wonderful that mankind should differ in opinions, 
than in looks ; and especially when they get their information from 
so different and partial sources, as they too generally do. 

Nine-tenths of mankind, at least, have the same general object 
in view ; and the only reason why they do not unite more cordially 
in pursuit, is, they are deceived. Those who wish to monopolize 
the fruits of others labor, unite in schemes and efforts to blind, 
confuse, mislead, and if possible to hustle the common people out 
of their rights and liberties. 

The chief object of party strife, should be, excellence in 
patriotic deeds — efforts to excel each other in good principles 
and practices — the efficient promotion of human improvement — 



PARTY. 19 

the perfection of human happiness : not persecution, deception, 
or relaxing the laws to injustice, to gratify envy, avarice, or re- 
venge, or to gain a momentary and party triumph. The former 
would exalt mankind, by exciting and cultivating the noblest im- 
pulse and faculties of human nature ; while the latter gives ex- 
citement and scope to the vilest passions, and tends to degrade 
man, even below the brutes. 

The main object of contention among mankind, may be gen- 
erally summed up in two words — right and wrong. The common 
people say, " give us our natural and just rights, and we are satis- 
fied ;" but men of unprincipled and despotic minds, cry, " give us 
power, and we will soon Jix every thing to our minds /" 

Extreme party spirit, evinces a depraved, contracted, or heedless 
understanding. 

To proscribe or persecute a man for an honest difference of 
opinion, is despotism, in the extreme, and ought to be abhorred by 
every friend of mankind. 

That germ of liberty, which has been engrafted and preserved 
in the British government, by the exertions of a spirited and truly 
wonderful people, has, to a degree, maintained the freedom of the 
press, and trial by jury, and otherwise contributed, greatly, to the 
general prosperity and glory of that nation.* It was, indeed, this 

* These two essential agents of justice and human liberty — the liber- 
ty of the press, and trial by jury, have been so tortured and hampered 
by their designing- foes, as only to have partially performed their several 
duties. 

As to the freedom of election in Britain, I consider it little more than 
a mere farce, since it is only partial, in its professed indulgence ; and is 
unprotected against the bribery and corruption of a wealthy and over- 
bearing monarchy and aristocracy combined. 

They have indeed made laws, professedly for the protection of elec- 
tions against bribery and corruption ; but the glaring manner in which 
these laws are evaded and set at defiance, shows plainly the hostility of 
their chief national rulers, to this branch of republican freedom. That 
is, the monarch and his aristocratic liege, have relinquished, (by com- 
pulsion,) a degree of usurped authority over the people, and professedly 
made laws for protecting them in the full exercise and enjoyment of the 
same, and then, indirectly licensed and employed agents and other 
means to prevent them from getting actual possession ! 



20 PARTY. 

good impulse that drove our forefathers from the bigotry, persecu^- 
tion and oppression of those who ruled the old world, to seek an 
asylum for oppressed humanity in this new world, and finally to 
lay the foundation for this Christian and republican community, 
out of the immediate reach of despotic governments. 

There is often a wide difference between the people and the 
government of a country. While the British government were 
using their despotic and utmost power to crush the noble spirit of 
virtue, justice and human liberty, that was growing in this coun- 
try, and were actually exciting and employing savages and foreign 
mercenaries to butcher our inhabitants and lay waste the country, 
the people of the mother country were mainly, it is believed, in 
fellow feelings with us. 



But this is not all the glaring- hostility manifested by the British sove- 
reign and his privileged participators, against the people. The house of 
lords, who are the creatures, tools and participators, of the sovereign 
power, receive an annual pension, from " the crown" while the people's 
representatives, (part of the members of the house of commons, the only 
branch in which they have any choice,) are neither allowed pay nor sup- 
port, from government, for their official services : that is, the sovereign 
and his privileged creatures, are extravagantly pensioned, but the peo- 
ple's agents, are neither allowed pay nor support ! Besides, there is no 
justice or equality, in the qualifications of electors, nor in their appor- 
tionment or representation, in the different districts or sections of coun- 
try. By which the sovereign and his liege, seem to say to the people, 
" Hang ye — you clamorous, rebellious and vulgar dogs ! if we must 
give you a degree of republican freedom, in a lower house of legislation, 
you shall be subject to as much inequality, unfairness and corruption, 
as possible, in the location and choice of your representatives, in order 
to defeat your choice, in the first place, and then to buy over those you 
make choice of, for our use and convenience." 

It is said that a man may spend a fortune to get into the house of com- 
mons, and notwithstanding he is neither allowed pay nor support, for his 
services, come out with more money than he expended in getting elect- 
ed.* This is probably effected by the selling of his vote to the ministry, 
or others, and by various other corrupt exercises of his power, secret 
intelligence, influence and situation, 



CHARITY. 21 

Charity. 

The term charity , seems often misunderstood, or its practical 
sense perverted or misapplied : for instance, if A. has the " char- 
ity to believe," (as the term is usually applied,) that his neighbour 
B, is innocent of a particular charge, of which B. is in fact guilty, 
it is no evidence of A.'s virtue, but rather of his ignorance qfBJs 
offence ; for virtue is an active intelligence. 

Acts, as well as professions of apparent charity, are often dicta- 
ted by the most wicked policy — namely, to seduce the innocent and 
unsuspecting, or to screen the guilty from suspicion, detection or 
punishment. 

Truly then, charity covereth (not cancels) a multitude of 
sins. But how does it cover them, from detection or punishment, 
the same as a cloak often conceals the truth from our view 1 or as 
artifice or power, screens the offender from justice 1 How then, 
shall we judge of apparent charity, without knowing the motive 
that dictates or controls the action 1 

Unprincipled men are perpetually striving, by a variety of little 
arts and affectations, to extend human confidence in external ap- 
pearances, in order to divert our attention and inspection from 
their motives — the real source of human actions ; and ultimately 
to favor the accomplishment of their crooked designs and purpo- 
ses. 

There certainly can be no harm in looking well to the policy, or 
chief motives that dictate and control human actions. 

Thousands and millions of virtuous and worthy people have 
been ruined or injured, by putting too much confidence in the hy- 
pocritical actions and pretensions of others. 

An honest man, is not only willing, but often anxious to have 
jhis conduct examined into, and his transactions and motives truly 
understood ; but a rogue is alarmed at the mere suggestion of in- 
spection and accountability. 

A lost pocket book was once proclaimed in a company of re- 
spectable looking men, and a general search proposed, when one 
of the company objected, and blusteringly said, among other 
things, that it was not only an insult, to propose searching such a 



22 CHARITY. 

respectable company of gentlemen, as a set of pickpockets, but it 
would be an outrage upon common justice and decency to attempt 
to enforce it, and surely none but a slave or fool would submit to 
the humiliating and degrading transaction. A discerning individ- 
ual of the company, replied, most probably, thou art the very man, 
or an accomplice in villainy , or one of the same character. He 
further said, he could see no impropriety in a general search. It 
was due to the occasion. The innocent could suffer no harm from 
inspection — but the guilty might be detected ! For his part, he 
desired the search, that the truth might be known, and erroneous 
conjectures avoided. The man who professed so much apparent 
charity for the respectable company, did not quite cover his own 
sins, for the search was made and the pocket book found in his 
bosom. 

It is said that lord Bacon asserted, that base natures suspected, 
would generally prove themselves so. But was it not this same 
lord Bacon, who, probably from not being sufficiently suspected, 
or known and guarded against, indulged his corrupt or unprinci- 
pled disposition, (in his judicial transactions,) and finally proved 
himself, 

" the meanest of mankind." 

At the time the Roman liberties were most fatally declining, 
one half the people were considered paupers, or in a greater or 
less degree, subsisted upon what was called the charities of the 
church. Whether this was the result of accident, or design, it 
nevertheless contributed, in a powerful degree, to the downfall of 
their general freedom. 

While Julius Cesar was plotting the final overthrow of Roman 
liberties, as a cloak for his designs, and to aid in the operation, he 
supported about twenty thousand of the poor ! 

The system of begging, and of cultivating a humble depend- 
ence on the rich, and those invested with authority, or the man- 
agement and distribution of the charity funds, as some call them, 
or the various sums raised by public taxes and private contribution 
for the support or temporary relief of the poor and needy, in Eng- 



NOVELS. '23 

lajid, has a direct and extensive influence and agency in keeping 
their poorer classes of people in a cringing submissive posture. 

In Scotland, it is said, they cultivate among the common peo- 
ple, a habit and system of self -dependence. 

Begging, generally has a powerful tendency to destroy that 
manly and noble sense of liberty and self-dependence, which dis- 
tinguishes &free man, or the genuine republican. 

The knaves and tyrants of the world, in their efforts to pervert 
the meaning of words, and the application of principles, to their 
crooked designs and purposes, would represent charity as ignor- 
ant, thoughtless and unreasonable — bestowing favors indiscrimi- 
nately, on impostors, and the worst and most undeserving objects 
in society ; and consequently nursing the vices, follies and mise- 
ries of mankind — instead of the contrary. 

True charity, acts discernedly, interestingly, and discreetly — 
distinguishing between merit and imposture — bestowing assistance 
and favors on the deserving and corrigible, and in such a manner, 
as to produce the best possible general results. 



Novels. 



Novel writers, for the most part, choose imaginary, or extreme 
characters and cases for their subjects — such as are seldom or 
never realized. Consequently, like dreams, or bubbles in the air, 
they are apt to divert our attention from the things that really con- 
cern us. 

Novels are extremely apt to make young people giddy headed. 

An eagerness for novels or romancing, is a fair indication of 
the ignorance and depravity of the times. 

Those who wish to keep mankind in a state of ignorance, delu- 
sion and slavery, could hardly desire more effectual means to ac- 
complish their purposes with, than are frequently afforded by nov- 
els. 

Novelists too often serve as a kind of Jlutterers or decoys to al- 
lure ignorance and folly into the snares of vice and slavery. At 
the best, they are apt to draw off the attention of eager and in- 



24 NOVELS. 

quisitive youth, from the acquisition of real and important inform- 
ation, to the pursuit of fictions and trifles. 

We certainly have no time to waste ; but novel reading is gen- 
erally much worse than a mere waste of time, for it too often be- 
wilders the understanding and corrupts the mind. 

In the early stages of human society, before there was much 
matter for real history, it was not only justifiable, but often highly 
meritorious and important, to give imaginary sketches of human 
life and character ; and even at the present time, where the press 
is not free for the promulgation of truth and useful information, 
narrations of real and important facts, under feigned names and 
outlines, are quite justifiable : but in our day and country — al- 
though the press is not in fact free from the snares, terrors, tricks 
and quibbles of interested and designing crafts ; there are an 
abundance of realities to furnish subjects and matter of import- 
ance for historical and other writers, without having recourse to 
fictions and/b% ; and who, in their sober senses, could possibly 
prefer fictions and trifles, to matters of reality and importance. 

A judicious history of facts, or detail of useful sciences and 
improvements, delights our senses and enriches the understanding ; 
but novels, like dreams, too often bewilder our senses, and impose 
on the understanding. 

Novel writers generally study to set off their stories in the most 
extravagant and bewitching style of language and colouring — like 
artful seducers, so as to engage the attention of eager and unsus- 
picious youth, to the neglect and ultimate exclusion of subjects of 
truth and importance. 

After a person has once had their senses bewitched by the en- 
chanting style of novel reading, realities and matters of usefulness, 
in their sober and unaffected characters, become too dull and 
tasteless, in their estimation, to engage attention. 

Fancy has not led the figure, and fiction has had no hand in 
the detail or colouring. They seem to say, " why — it is a plain 
matter of fact, and what person of taste, would be entertained 
with such dull stuff!" 

Novel reading, has not only a general tendency to draw off the 
time and attention of inquiring youth, from realities and matters of 



NOVELS, -r 25 

substantial worth and usefulness ; but ultimately exerts and culti- 
vates a talent and disposition fox fiction — hypocrisy and deceitful- 
ness. 

The minds of novel readers, are more or less occupied with 
visionary ideas, and subjects of fancy, to the exclusion of realities 
and matters of importance. 

I can hardly help regarding every novel as a lie ; and often 
wonder how people of sense, can indulge themselves, or their 
children, (whose tender minds deserve a friendly care,) in such 
silly and mischievous pursuits. 

Give me none of your novel readers, says a wise young man, in 
pursuit of a bosom friend and partner for life, for her mind will be 
occupied with fictions and follies, to the exclusion of realities and 
matters of usefulness. Neither as a man of information and bu- 
siness, has novel reading a better tendency. 

Every virtuous and enlightened man and woman, will generally 
study to avoid novel readers, for their minds are apt to be too much 
like a toy-shop — full of artificial monsters, images and play-things, 
for the wonder and amusement of silly minds ; or something like 
a juggler's performance — any thing but what is real and useful. 

Artificial shapes, coloring or complexions ; — imaginary brains 
or ideas, and matters of information ; fictitious fortunes, ac- 
quirements and responsibility ; affected smiles, friendship and 
animation ; a feigned sense of virtue, justice, humanity and hon- 
or : in short, nothing is more generally real with thorough bred 
novel readers, than their extreme vanity and deceitfulness. 

People educated to consider an useful application of their time 
and talents, as degrading, will suffer almost any thing, rather than 
do good in society. 

Finally : — the study of novels, or pursuit of useless information 
and diversion, steals time, fills the mind with worthless, visionary 
or vicious ideas, or leaves it an awful blank. 

Seek usefulness, and the pursuit will soon become pleasing, and 
the result beneficial. 



26 PUBLIC SCHOOLS. 



Public Schools. 



Public schools, affording every one the means of a judicious 
common education, are by far the most important establishments 
that regard the freedom, happiness and prosperity of a nation. 
They have a greater tendency to promote equality among men, 
than any thing else, perhaps in the power of government ; and that, 
too, by giving every one an even start, on the great journey of life; 
and which is, by the way, no more than fair play. 

Society is indeed, bound to furnish every one with the means of 
common information. Teach every citizen his duty, and qualify 
him to perform it, and then justice and good policy would require 
the punishment of those, who wilfully neglect to perform their 
parts as good citizens ; but to those who have been basely kept in 
ignorance against their own will or understanding, justice should 
be merciful. 

To allow any one an extra education at the public expense, is 
not only unjust, but impolitic — it is unjust, in as much as it is par- 
tial ; and it is highly impolitic, especially in a republic, to give 
any one the advantage of his fellow-men. But on the contrary, 
every just and reasonable means should be employed to promote 
equality among men, as much as possible, well knowing that there 
will be unequality enough, in spite of every reasonable exertion to 
the contrary. 

It would be far more proper, to teach the agricultural, mechan- 
ic and others arts of general use, at the public expense, than to 
. give the instruction and information usually acquired at colleges. 

Learning, unless applied to purposes of public usefulness, is 
generally an injury, rather than a benefit, to society. 

College learning insures no positive good to society. The stu- 
dent may have devoted his chief time and attention to the study of 
obsolete matter, or to the acquisition of superfluous, or mischiev- 
ous arts or information ; or he may finally prove a blockhead, sot, 
or knave, and either sacrifice the money expended in his education, 
or employ his extra learning in imposing upon the public or indi- 
viduals. And after all, the individual educated or instructed at 
the public expense, will expect a full and even liberal compensa- 



PUBLIC SCHOOLS. 27 

tion for whatever services he may render the public : so that the 
public generally gain nothing by the most fortunate result. 

If there was need of more men in any particular profession ; or 
a want of extended skill or information, in any art, profession, or 
branch of business, the demand would probably regulate itself, by 
calling forth the skill or exertions most wanted, especially under 
the management of a judicious and wise government. 

People would be much more likely to make a good use of their 
time and talents, when they studied at their own expense, than if 
they were supported by the public. 

Ingratitude is the predominate impulse of the human character. 
" Give an inch, and they will take an ell." Give a number of indi- 
viduals extraordinary advantages in their education or acquire- 
ments, at the public expense, and then elevate them to stations of 
power and profit, and they will be the more likely to imploy schemes 
of treachery and human oppression, than if they had shared the 
common lot among their fellow men. 

What, in fact, are most of the college learnt men, now doing 
for the actual good of mankind ? How great a proportion of them 
are employing their extra learning, favourable stations and opportu- 
nities, in promoting the general cause of truth, justice, virtue and 
human liberty ? or the actual independence, and prosperity and 
happiness of the people of this republic? 

Many of our college learned men, certainly appear as intently 
nursing the germs of human ignorance, depravity, poverty and 
dependence, as tho' they constituted the principal sources of their 
present gains, and the substance of their future dependence. 

It is an important fact, and which ought to be duly regarded, 
that most of the great moral and political changes that have taken 
place for the actual benefit of mankind, have been more the result 
of necessity, and of accidental causes, than of the design of men 
indulged with extraordinary advantages of education, and those 
who exercised the chief powers of human government. And for 
the plainest reason in the world — it is not considered for their in- 
terest. Men in possession of extraordinary privileges or advanta- 
ges over their fellow beings, whether by the result of accident, or 
design, certainly will never understanding^ make exertions 
against themselves — or voluntarily relinquish their advantages 



28 PHILOSOPHICAL DEBATING SOCIETIES. 

The imposters and tyrants of the world, are against every 
change or measure that has any considerable tendency to enlight- 
en the people — releave them from unjust and unnecessary re- 
straint, and finally to elevate and improve the general character 
and condition of the human family. 

Most of the light and liberty actually gained in favor of justice 
and humanity, was obtained against the will and designs of those 
most indulged with education and the means of doing good in 
society. 

I do not mean to include those self-taught genius's, who have 
sometimes grown up without public nursing — uncramped by the 
arbitrary rules of education — uncorrupted by the hypocritical 
arts and examples of the learned crafts — unintimidated by the ter- 
rors of arbitrary rulers — for such characters generally grow up un- 
observed, because where system controls reason, instead of reason 
regulating system, special care is taken to watch and keep down 
free thinking ; but secretly and silently maturing the human un- 
derstanding, until the manly vigor of inlightened and expanded 
intellect, burst the dark and contracted cage of ignorance and op- 
pression, and give a degree of wholesome and rational light and 
liberty to their stifled and oppressed brethren of the human family. 



Philosophical Debating Societies. 

Philosophical debating societies, properly arranged and con- 
ducted, are very important, especially in a free country. They 
are schools of reason, where the human mind is cultivated and ex- 
panded, and men taught to arrange their ideas, and to speak in 
public without diffidence or hesitation ; and, above all, where men 
are learned to govern their passions — without which no man can 
reason. One may passionate or opinionate ; but without cool and 
deliberate reflection, men seldom compare things correctly ; and 
reasoning is, simply a comparison of proved, self-evident or ac- 
knowledged facts. 

An early habit of debating, with regularity and decorum, ena- 
bles men to express themselves with correctness and ability, in 
their own private conversation. 



PHILOSOPHICAL DEBATING SOCIETIES. 29 

It will very readily be foreseen, that those who make a profes- 
sion of public speaking, will be interested against the establish- 
ment and usefulness of such societies ; but an object of such im- 
mense importance to the rising generation, cannot, it is presumed, 
be defeated, by a comparative few. What a scene for contempla- 
tion, would it afford the patriot, philanthropist and philosopher, to 
see such societies formed in every considerable town or village in 
the union, and regularly attended, at convenient and stated peri- 
ods, by the respectable young men of the vicinity, and subjects of 
interest and utility discussed, with becoming manliness, order and 
decorum ! 

These schools of reason, would be cultivating and testing, as it 
were, the talents of the whole youth of the nation, and qualifying 
them for various eminent and useful stations in life. 

The attendance on such meetings, would soon take the place of 
idle, expensive and vitiating amusements ; and not only enable 
the common people to speak in public with confidence and ability, 
on their own private concerns, as occasion might require, but ul- 
timately raise up more Franklins, and republican worthies. We 
should then see, after a while, respectable farmers and mechanics, 
qualified for every station in the union ; and be enabled to choose 
our public officers, from among the people, and not from among the 
lawyers, as we how do, for the most part. 

In learning to debate or reason on extensive subjects, with abil- 
ity, the youth should carry a memorandum book, and enter his 
ideas, when ever they occur to him as brilliant or useful on any 
subject. By this habit, the mind is disincumbered of the task of 
retaining the fruits of former labors, and left free to range for new 
matter ; and, by reading over or reviewing our own thoughts, at 
leisure intervals, the mind is enabled to refine and preserve its own 
productions, for useful and eminent occasions. A memorandum 
book thus becomes, as it were, the storehouse of deliberation, to 
which the original possessor may resort for the resources of his 
mind, and thereby often command a victory, without much imme- 
diate labour. 

Studying to write correctly, makes more practical improvement 



30 PHILOSOPHICAL DEBATING SOCIETIES. 

on the mind, by far, than reading, or even debating without notes 
or previous contemplation and arrangement. 

The art of reasoning, is the labouring of the mind ; and which 
frequently requires long and painful exertions, to produce a merit- 
orious result. 

When men make able speeches, or communications, on exten- 
sive and important subjects, apparently on sudden emergencies, it 
seldom or never happens, without previous study and arrange- 
ment.* 

Legislators, generally commence making memorandums and ar- 
rangements, for debating leading subjects, in which they intend 
to take an active part, as soon as they are elected, or preparing 
for a session. The substance of the general arguments or plead- 
ings in law, are not only familiar to experienced lawyers ; but 
they always make notes and arrangements beforehand, of the 
substance, at least, of matter for arguments on important subjects. 

Mankind are generally stimulated to argument, by a desire to 
gain information, to convince others, or to display their learning, 
or talents, or to hear themselves prate. 

An early habit of reasoning, philosophically, on useful subjects, 
and of drawing practical conclusions, gets the mind in a train of 
inquiry and reflection, that is often productive of important bene- 
fits to the world of mankind, as well as to the individual thus ear- 
ly instructed. The human mind, without being early directed in 
this proper course, wanders, and becomes feeble and irresolute, or 
wild and frivolous. 

To trifle or jest, in reply to serious or just argument, evinces 
want of decency, and a lack of sense, as well as a deficiency in 
argument. 

When men are desperately intent on opposition to the works, or 
arguments of others, and are unable to point out any actual error 
or deficiency in the same, they too frequently forget the dignity 

* When legislators have retired a day or two, making preparations for 
a speech, it has some times been hypocritically reported or pretended, 
that they were sick or indisposed ! Addresses delivered at tables. &c. 
are generally studied and prepared beforehand — notwithstanding the par- 
ties would often pretend they were taken by surprise ! 



CHIEF CAUSE OF VIRTUE AND VICE. 31 

and propriety of their own conduct, by attacking the person of 
the author, instead of his works. I consider it pretty good evi- 
dence that a man's works are sound and good, when those who 
wish to oppose them, have to look some where else for something to 
satisfy their hostility. 

The members of such societies, should generally commit to 
writing, the main substance, at least, of their intended remarks. 
They should always be permitted to read, all or any part of what 
they had to offer in debate before the society. 

Any society of young men, associated for intellectual criticism 
and improvement, would derive great benefit, by reading their own 
written essays, criticisms, or productions on any useful subject ; 
and also by reading pieces of their selection from newspapers, 
books or other publications ; with a general freedom of numbers 
remarking upon the same. 

Reading Societies, established for such purposes, would be im- 
portant, in cultivating the minds of youth, by mutual criticism and 
instruction : and for young ladies, too, as well as gentlemen. 

Such associations, in order to prove the most beneficial, should 
be composed of members nighly equal in age, knowledge and 
abilities ; for if any one or more possess considerable advantages 
over the rest, it tends to intimidate, overawe, and finally to discour- 
age and defeat a fair competition, or a judicious emulation among 
the members. 



Chief cause of Virtue and Vice. 

Virtue, is a natural affection and dictate of the human sences; 
and vice is mainly acquired — the effect of art, or a delusion of 
our understandings. 

All the principal virtues of the human character, are founded 
in the feelings, dictates and affections of our nature. A true 
sense of humanity, gratitude, good fellowship, and a general sense 
of right and wrong, are all to be found incorporated in the human 
frame, by the all wise and bountiful Creator. 

Education may cultivate and expand these good and useful 
qualities of our nature ; but it never can add one essential quali- 



m CHIEF CAUSE OF VIRTUE AND VICE. 

fics tion, that is not founded in the natural dictates, affections and 
feelings of the human senses. 

Vice, is chiefly acquired — the effect of art, or a misguided ap- 
plication of our good faculties and inclinations. 

The guilty wretch, who obtains a momentary pleasure or grati- 
fication, at the injury of a fellow being, is perpetually striving to 
divert, drown or other ways silence, the natural dictates of his bet- 
ter senses, that rise in judgment against him. 

The robber, and the assassin, increase their natural troubles, 
from a misguided pursuit of human happiness. 

The young virgin, who barters her chastity, and ultimate hap- 
piness, for the false flatteries and paltry decorations of art, is the 
wretched victim of delusion. 

Even the haughty tyrant, who scornfully rejects truth and rea- 
son, and wilfully sacrifices the lives, liberties and happiness of his 
fellow beings, is himself the victim of delusion, and studies to di- 
vert or silence the better dictates of nature, in order to diminish 
Ms torments. 

The malice and revenge, which agitate their unhappy subjects, 
are perpetually struggling against the better affections and dictates 
of the human senses. 

Revenge, is indeed, a savage impulse ; and whoever indulges 
or harbors its dictates, nurse or entertain a ferocious and relentless 
viper, as it were, in their bosoms, to poison and annoy their own 
happiness. 

There is a natural, intelligent and instructive monitor in the 
human frame, that, if properly cultivated and regarded, generally 
tells us how to act right. Indeed, no rational beings ever perform- 
ed a wrong action, understandingly, but had a monitor within that 
warned them of the transgression. 

Virtue and happiness, and vice and misery, are inseparably con- 
nected. This demonstrates the justice, wisdom, goodness and 
perfection of Nature ; which is every where rendered consistent 
with the general principles and purposes of eternal justice ; 
and whoever attempts an evasion thereof, ultimately bring trouble 
upon themselves. 

Man was created perfect and upright. Justice and humanity 
are the attributes of his nature. But he has been corrupted and 



CHIEF CAUSES OF VIRTUE AND VICE, 33 

degraded by false precepts, and hypocritical examples, and above 

all, by BAD GOVERNMENT. 

The simple children of nature, as they were first discovered — 
for instance, in Hispaniola, by Columbus ; on the Friendly Islands, 
by Capt. Cook ; and, in a degree, the more polished natives of 
Mexico, when first invaded by their ferocious and greedy foes ; 
were virtuous and humane, until they were corrupted, and pro- 
voked to acts of retaliation and self-protection, by the hypocrisy, 
treachery and outrages of their pretended civilized intruders. 

Man was evidently created for industry and usefulness ; and, in 
his natural talents and disposition, he is susceptible of the noblest 
deeds and impressions. 

Industry is indeed made necessary to our subsistence, health, 
improvement and happiness. 

It is the studied deceptions, and hypocritical examples, that cor- 
rupts and degrades mankind, more than every thing else. 

There are perhaps ten times as much pains taken, from igno- 
rance and design, to promote vice, as virtue, in the moral and po- 
litical world. 

The cause of truth and virtue are so self-evident, demonstrable, 
and congenial to the human senses, that, with equal pains to pro- 
mote them by precept and example, error and vice would stand no 
chance with them. 

Nothing in fact is more truly ridiculous and contemptible, than 
vice and ignorance, when fairly contrasted with virtue and wis- 
dom. 

In order to point out human improvement, in the clearest and 
best manner, it is not necessary to go into a detailed explanation 
of the infinite errors, absurdities and corruptions that exist in an 
old and diseased state of society ; but take man in his natural state, 
uneducated, uncorrupted, undeceived, and make the impressions 
that truth and reason require. 

Man, in his simple and untainted character — undeceived, and 
uncorrupted, by false precepts and hypocritical examples, is a mo- 
ral, social, and reasonable being, susceptible of the noblest im- 
pressions — capable of the highest degree of moral and intellectual 
improvement. Sethis own good before him, in a plain and intel- 
ligent manner, and he will generally make choice and pursue 
a right course. 5 



34 REMARKS ON THE ACQUISITION OF PROPERTY. 

Pillars of a Republic. 

That class of people, who possess a middling or small property, 
and are of steady and industrious habits, and who think and act, 
for themselves, are by far the most important members of society, 
especially in a free country ; and should always enjoy the first 
rights and privileges in a republican community. Their industry 
is the source of wealth ; and their virtue, intelligence and firm- 
ness, are both the palladium of civil justice, and the bulwarks of 
public safety. 

The interests and feelings of this class of people, whereever 
they exist, ought to be regarded as the actual pulse of the nation. 
They are neither above nor below a proper regard for the rights, 
privileges and feelings of their fellow men. They participate, 
truly, in the general good, and see feel and understand the things 
that concern a virtuous, enlightened and free people. Their sense, 
is common sense ; and that is the best sense in the world. 

That country which possesses the greatest proportion of this 
class of people, (and I think I could name it,) enjoys the most 
uniform and rational happiness and independence, of any place 
on this globe. 



Remarks on the acquisition of property. 

In all the numerous employments that occupy this busy world, 
there are but two ways to get money — one is to earn it, by doing 
something necessary or useful in society, and the other is to cheat 
it out of others. 

A person may have heired a property, from diseased ancestors 
or connections, or obtained it by the free gift of some friend, or 
become possessed of it by accidental causes ; in which cases there 
might have been no merit or demerit, in the possession. 

There then is three general classes in society — the earners or 
producers, the drones, and the despoilers : — the producers acquire 
their property and means of subsistence, by the habitual exercise 
of some necessary or useful calling, or industry in society ; the 



INDOLENCE INCLINED TO DESPOTISM. 35 

drones subsist upon what they have heired, or obtained by free 
gift or chance, without earning of it, or wronging others ; and 
the despoilers, obtain their property and means of support, by 
treacherously or wrongfully dispossessing others of their earnings 
or property. 

A despoiler, therefore, however artful his means of getting pos- 
session of others' property, would be viewed, in real civilized soci- 
ety, something in the light we regard animals that prey upon the 
fruits of human industry : and because human beings generally 
knoio better 3 and the brutes do not, is nothing in favour of the for- 
mer. 

The faithful husbandman makes no scruple to hunt from his pos- 
sessions, by force of arms, the wolves, vultures, and other brutes 
that prey upon the fruits of human industry. He even dreads the 
sight of useless animals, however tame or harmless they may ap- 
pear, for he generally knows that some body's interest has got to 
suffer for their support, in the end. 

In testing men's characters, and particularly to see whether they 
are fit for public trust and employment, it is necessary to apply the 
foregoing rule, and to ascertain that they are neither despoilers, in 
any degree, nor drones. 



Indolence inclined to Despotism. 

The human mind, uncultivated, or occupied with useful science 
and employments, either lies dormant and useless, or engages in 
schemes of misehief and human oppression. 

In reflecting on the cause of human degradation, oppression 
and misery, I can hardly help exclaiming to the people of this 
new and rising nation, 

Beware of Indolence, 

for she hath many mouths, and is lapping her tongue, and smacking 
her chops, for the " leeks and onions" of despotism! 

Indolence makes men ungrateful, and despotic— eager to pos- 
sess power, so as to gain by force, that which they refuse to acquire 
by honest industry. 



36 HONESTY THE BEST POLICY.* 

Indolence produces ingratitude — ingratitude leads direct to 
treachery, and treachery ends in despotism. 
According to an ancient saying, 

" An idle man is the Devil's companion." 

Indolence is the natural enemy of industry, and of human 
rights ; and ultimately subsists upon the earnings and property of 
others — not its own. 

So when I see a youth growing up in indolence, or luxury at 
others' expense, I can hardly help considering him as probably a 
young wolf, vulture, or other animals destined to prey upon the 
rights of others. Sometimes I almost wish to see a bounty offer- 
ed for the scalps of all animals that prey upon the fruits of human 
industry, whether they go upon four, or two legs. 

Despotism is nothing but overgrown indolence. 

Those virtuous and industrious villagers, who contribute so 
much to enlighten, enrich, and adorn the interior of our country, 
view an idle person, who has no honest and ostensible business or 
means of living, something in the manner a discerning and faith- 
ful shepherd would regard a roolf, lurking in the vicinity of his 
sheep fold. 



Honesty the Best Policy. 

There is nothing more clear, both in an individual, and na- 
tional point of view, than that honesty is, truly, the best policy. 

However individuals may attempt to reason on the subject, dis- 
honesty generally terminates in the end, to the disadvantage of 
those who practice it. 

The time and money spent, in artifices and efforts to deceive 
and wrongfully deprive others of their rights and property, is a sa- 
crifice, as it regards mankind generally, in the end, in some shape 
or other ; and what is unrighteously taken from human virtue and 
industry, not only has a direct and powerful tendency to weaken 
and discourage their useful and important efforts and influence in 
society ; but the amount of property wrongfully obtained, general- 



HONESTY THE BEST POLICY. 37 

ly goes to strengthen and encourage dishonesty — to nurse the very 
loolves and vultures of society. 

Dishonesty plays the very devil in society, by deceiving and en- 
tangling the innocent and unwary ; robbing industry and merit ; 
and destroying the peace, wealth and confidence essential to hu- 
man prosperity and happiness. It subjects the intercourse and 
transactions of business between mankind in general, to numer- 
ous and otherways unnecessary delays, vexations, burdens and ex- 
pences. It greatly abridges human liberty ; wounds, sickens and 
finally destroys, incalculable numbers of human beings, and fills 
the world with ignorance, oppression, poverty, cruelty and woes. 

If every person would make it a general rule, to do as they 
would be done by, the chief ignorance, poverty, oppression and 
cruelty experienced in the world, would soon cease, and earth be- 
come a kind of moral and political paradise. But as this christian 
rule cannot be fully accomplished at once, the nigher we come to 
it the better ; and every precept and example that have a tendency 
to promote it in the end, are highly important. 
An honest man, is truly, the noblest work of God. 
A dishonest person is generally watched, shunned and despised, 
by every virtuous and enlightened member of the community. 

The established and well known honor of a state, nation or in- 
dividual, are often of more real importance to them, in the end, 
than all their other resources. 

Who, that knows the worth of an honest conscience, would ex- 
change it, for all the glitter, empty show and sounds that human 
cunning could contrive. 

The peace and sweet satisfaction an honest man enjoys within 
his own conscience— that intellectual paradise within himself- — 
which no evil apprehensions disturb, and especially if he believes 
in the eternal wisdom and justice of the Supreme Being ; the rep- 
utation and confidence he generally enjoys among his good neigh- 
bours and fellow men ; and the great saving of time and trouble, 
which he generally derives in the transactions of business, are 
considerations of immense importance. 

Two individuals, in marketing any thing they have to sell ; or 
in pursuit of employment, as master, or journeyman mechanics. 



38 HONOUR. 

clerks, laborers, servants, &c. — equal in every other qualification 
and appearance, except that one is known to be honest, and the 
other is known to be dishonest, would succeed very differently. 

Every prudent and wise person, in their dealings, would natu- 
rally give a decided preference in favor of an honest man. 

A person dealing in choice articles, subject to considerable adul- 
teration and deception in their appearance, quality and worth, 
difficult to be immediately detected and understood, and who was 
known to be honest, and well acquainted with the quality and 
worth of the articles he had to dispose of, would command a very 
great preference with every judicious purchaser. 

Were I to set out with a determination of making the most 
money I possibly could by the final result of trading, and espe- 
cially by dealing in articles or property of an intricate character, 
subject to considerable adulteration or deception, I would make it 
a rule to be uniform and inflexibly honest in all my representa- 
tions and dealings. So that people might take my word without 
the least doubt or delay, or send any distance, and trust their or- 
ders with even a child, with the utmost certainty of being dealt 
with as fairly and favorably as if they were present themselves, 
and had used all the criticism and skill at inspection, and making 
a bargain, in their power. Such a course of dealing will ulti- 
mately succeed, if the person thoroughly understands the charac- 
ter, quality and worth of the articles or property he deals in, and 
has the capital and other means necessary to conduct his business 
to advantage. 

When a person has gained the reputation that a long course of 
intelligent and honest dealing entitle them to, more especially in a 
business or situation surrounded by evil temptations, what indeed, 
would induce them, understandingly, to part with their character. 
or to change their feelings. 



Honour. 



Honour, in its simple and genuine character, consists, solely, in 
that which evinces human excellence. 



JUSTICE. 39 

A proper sense of honour, is the noblest impulse of the human 
mind. It excites mankind to deeds of virtue, justice, humanity 
and public usefulness. It regulates and controls the actions of 
men, beyond the immediate power and influence of servile regula- 
tions and restrictions. 

True honour, refines our senses— cultivates, enlarges and exalts 
the human mind and understanding, and produces an excellent 
course of principles and habits of life. 

There is a little kind of craft, or cunning cultivated among 
thieves, professed gamblers, libertines, and other outlaws, or base 
characters, to keep them from depredating upon one another, 
which they call honour. Hence the saying of " Honour among 
thieves." 

Leading monarchists and aristocrats, have also a standard or 
rule of action which they call honour, fitted to their peculiar poli- 
cy and situation, by which they consider themselves bound to re- 
gard the rights, privileges and feelings of equals ; but which has 
no great restraint upon their conduct towards those whom they es- 
timate as of inferior rarik or condition in life. 

It is however ridiculous to call that honour, which is inconsist- 
ent with virtue, justice and humanity. 

True honour, is a refined sense of genuine republicanism — it 
regards all men with equal justice and humanity ; and those the 
most honourable, who excel in deeds of virtue, justice, humanity 
and public usefulness. 

It is indeed a base perversion of the meaning of words, to call 
that honour, which is inconsistent with virtue, justice and human 
excellence. 



Justice. 



Justice, is the hope of virtue, and the fear of vice. 

The guilty villain, cries, in bitter vexation, justice — thou au- 
thor of my chief fears and torments, thy fixed and unalterable de- 
crees, anticipates my plots and designs, and thy vigilant and un- 
coruptible watchmen, detect and punish me wherever I flee or se- 



40 WAR. 

crete myself — their activity and discernment fills me with perpetu- 
al terror and alarm — even in my sleep, I am tormented with pain- 
ful dreams and apprehensions of detection and punishment. Keep, 
then, out of my way and imagination, justice, for I dread noth- 
ing worse /" 

But the honest man, exclaims, in the fulness of his soul, " O ! 
justice — thou vigilant and uncorruptible sentinel of Heaven ! 
thou guardian angel of virtue, innocence and truth, preside over 
the country where I dwell, I beseech ye — examine and settle all 
our differences and evil doings, and exercise thy fostering influ- 
ence and encouragement over the rising generation, for in thou are 
my hopes — justice is all i desire." 

What a change will it produce in the situations, feelings and 
prospects of mankind, when the Great Ruler of the Universe 
makes known his decrees of Eternal Justice — unveils the hypo- 
crites and impostors, strips the despoilers of their ill-gotten wealth, 
disarms the tyrants and oppressors of mankind, of their influence 
and controlling power, and brings their authority and pretensions 
into insignificance and contempt — and exposes the whole to the 
world in all their baseness and deformity of character, and causes 
virtue and human excellence to be acknowledged and rewarded, 
in all their loveliness and glory ! 

Such a result is perfectly consistent with the attributes and 
character of the Creator, and with the purposes of eternal wis- 
dom ; and most assuredly will take place, ere long, to the astonish- 
ment and bitter grief of the guilty offenders, and to the inexpres- 
sible joy and satisfaction of the virtuous and well deserving. 



War. 



War, for the most part, originates in two opposite and distinct 
motives, varying in degree, from the most extreme vice to the 
most extreme virtue. 

Offensive warfare, however plausible the pretext, nevertheless 
originates, for the most part, in the same vicious or depraved mo- 
tives, &srobbery, murder, and the like capital offences, committed 



WAR. 41 

by individuals in civil society ; although those who bear arms as 
common soldiers, are generally ignorant of the nefarious motives 
that too often influence their principal leaders. 

Defensive warfare, is mostly dictated by the noblest impulse of 
the human mind : those who take up arms to repel invasion — to 
defend their natural and just rights — who put their bold and manly 
fronts to the storm of tear, to ward off impending ruin — who 
jeopardize their own lives, to screen the innocent, and to save the 
lives, liberties and fortunes of the virtuous and unoffending — such 
characters, (and my feelings glow with the choicest sensibility, 
while I define a holy patriot,) are justly entitled to every impulse 
of justice and humanity. Such a character was Washington, 
and the noble souls that fought with him under the American 
standard, for the rights and privileges we now enjoy. 

The sin of omission, is sometimes as great as that of commis- 
sion. The man who stands by quietly and sees an outrage com- 
mitted on his fellow creatures, while he has power to prevent it, 
without encountering unreasonable hazards, may be generally 
considered as a coward or villain, or both. 

It is ridiculous to suppose that an intelligent being can mean 
well, when he wilfully neglects to perform that which is obviously 
his duty. 

Nature has wisely endowed all creatures with the powers of de- 
fence, in proportion to their worth and consequence, and evidently 
for their use and preservation ; but to man, the reputed lord of the 
creation, has been given the faculties of reason, and the sense of 
an immortal soul ; and for which man is evidently accountable, as 
a rational being, for the use or abuse, of those powers and facul- 
ties. 

Those who authorize offensive warfare, may be generally con- 
sidered as legalizing murder, robbery, and the like capital offences, 
and frequently as offering a bounty for outrages upon humanity. — 
Such are truly monsters in iniquity. 

A state of war, generally gives advantages to the most worthless 
and unprincipled men in society, by affording them frequent and 
peculiar opportunities to prey upon the distresses and defenceless 
rights of their fellow beings. 

6 



42 WAR. 

War preys upon the very vitals of society ; by sacrificing the 
lives, health and principles of the young or middle aged men — 
thereby leaving an undue proportion of old men, women, children 
and invalids ; and by corrupting the morals, destroying the pro- 
perty, and heaping new burdens upon society. 

Wars are not much unlike an earthquake or tornado — marking 
their way with death, havock and human misery. 

It is said that wars are sometimes productive of beneficial con- 
sequences to society. This is undoubtedly true in a few particu- 
lar instances or cases. However, a nation or people who cannot 
estimate or enjoy the blessings of peace and prosperity, without 
frequently contrasting their situations experimentally, with war and 
calamity, are certainly not to be envied for their wisdom or virtue. 

Mankind have very artfully devised many gaudy decorations 
and fantastical allurements, to disguise the true character of war, 
and to draw designing knaves and heedless fools, into the snares 
of unjust and unnecessary warfare. 

We are in fact, singularly inclined to extremes, in most of our 
habits, measures and policy — although it is universally admitted 
that a medium is best, in almost every possible case. First, appeal 
to reason, and last, if necessary, to arms. 

Civil employments hold out undertakings sufficiently hazardous 
and glorious, for noble enterprise. What a hero was Junius, 
who vanquished a legion of tyrants with a goose-quill ! Such 
deeds are above the acquisition of havock and death. 

Without taking into consideration the loss of lives, and other 
human sufferings occasioned by mad or useless wars ; what im- 
portant national improvements would the bare sums expended, 
have accomplished, had they been judiciously applied for that pur- 
pose 1 The intelligent and reflecting mind would be astonished 
at the conjecture, and almost lost in contemplating the vast and 
important objects that might have been accomplished by the ap- 
plication. 

A grand arbitration, established between different nations, 
as a civil tribunal to settle national differences, would obviate the 
necessity of war, and verify their Christian and civilized charac- 
ters. 



SLAVERY. 43 

Suppose a congress of delegates from several different nations, 
should meet and establish written and definite laws, for guiding 
and controlling their conduct, as nations, towards each other 1 

Let the republics of North and South America, commence this 
earnest of civilization, and form a code of inter-national law, 
and provide a tribunal for carrying the same into effect. 



Slaver?/. 

Slavery, is evidently of savage origin ; and carries with it all 
the barbarous cruelties and exactions of outraged humanity. It 
certainly should never be tolerated in a civilized, or christian 
country ; and, above all, in a republic. It is totally inconsistent 
with every impulse of justice and humanity. The human senses 
revolt at the idea, that one class of fellow-creatures should be for- 
cibly kept in perpetual and ignominious bondage, and their labour 
exacted with cruel stripes, merely to enable another class to live 
in indolence and luxury. Some awful chastisement, no doubt 
awaits such heedless, and inhuman inconsistency ; and ere long, 
most assuredly, will break with accumulated vengeance, on the 
heads of its guilty patrons. Experience, although slow, and al- 
though sometimes rather high in her charges, yet is sure to teach 
those who will iearn no other way. 

Pharaoh's heart was hardened against the cries of justice and 
humanity, and the warning voice of reason — but eternal justice 
overwhelmed him and his host in the Red Sea ! 

The man, who is reared up among slaves, and receives his prin- 
cipal subsistence from their earnings, is no more fit to represent 
freemen, than an avowed monarchist would be to entrust with the 
administration of a republican form of government. 

A proprietor of slaves, is generally a despot in habit, if not in 
mind and feelings — whatever policy may induce him to profess to 
the contrary, notwithstanding. Wind is cheap ; but actions have a 
more substantial meaning. 

Slavery effeminates and degrades the human character. The 
custom of slavery brings industry into contempt, and elevates in- 



44 CREDIT. 

dolence ; and has, generally, a powerful tendency to excite & spirit 
of despotism in society. Men who have long been in the habit of 
domineering over their fellow creatures, and of treating them as 
brutes, rather than equals, or rational beings ; get, even their natu- 
ral sympathies and fellow feelings stifled, and frequently become 
downright despots. The love of dominion becomes their ruling 
passion. Their will is law. They are often ridiculously mighty 
in will, while feeble in intellectual and bodily powers. 

Wherever the custom of slavery is indulged, it curtails the 
natural increase, as well as vigour and usefulness, of the free pop- 
ulation. 

(Tell me not, then, that you are a republican, while you meanly 
cavil for the unnecessary extension of slavery, and basely com- 
promise the honour of your fathers, and the future glory of the 
republic.) 



Distinctions of Birth. 

There is, perhaps, no title or distinction under heaven, more 
truly ridiculous, than an hereditary, or that which is derived from 
birth ; — It is a proof of no merit, but rather the lack of merit ; it 
is submitting to chance, that which ought to be decided by reason ; 
it puts men where they have neither power to ascend, or remain, of 
themselves, and causes a gag to stifle the voice of truth : It evin- 
ces folly in the giver, and receiver ; it insults merit, and laughs 
common sense out of countenance ; and generally has a train of 
the same kind of creatures at its heels, to trample on the rights of 
honest industry and merit. 



Credit. 



Credit, in its allurements, and consequences, is like spiritous 
liquors, a good servant, but bad master : — If necessarily or pru- 
dently used, credit enables the poor to live, to gain strength, and 
even to prosper ; but if unnecessarily or imprudently indulged — 



CREDIT. 45 

and which is the case for the most part, credit, like spiritous 
liquors, intoxicates men with vain ideas of their worth and conse- 
quence — subjects them to be overreached by sharpers — to loose what 
little property they may have acquired, and often to loose their lib- 
erties, and sometimes their lives. 

A person possessing another's property on credit, like one set out 
with borrowed clothes and equipage, often fancies himself above 
his real situation, and ultimately leads him into unwarrantable cal- 
culations. (It is, it must be confessed, a ridiculous trait in the 
character of any one, to wish to appear above their real situation — 
in disguise, or under false colours, as though they were ashamed 
of their actual and true circumstances and situation ! or had some 
treacherous designs !) 

By means of credit, the learned and wealthy take advantage of 
the ignorant, the poor and needy — "grind" and make them sub- 
servient to their will and purposes. A learned man can much 
better calculate the difference betwixt paying down, or at some fu- 
ture day ; who it would be safe to trust, and who not ; and what 
the probable change of times would affect, as to raise, or lower, the 
price of the article : so that, in every stage of the game of credit, 
the learned and wealthy have the advantage, and none but fools 
will play with them, unnecessarily, at such odds. 

Credit occasions numerous lawsuits, and quarrels, and facilitates 
immense and incalculable frauds. . 

By means of credit, millions are often hazarded, without the 
knowledge or consent of the real owner. 

Through the medium of credit, the indolent are frequently ena- 
bled to riot in luxury at the expense of industry. 

Credit subjects both the borrower, and lender, to numerous and 
unforeseen sacrifices, unavoidably occasioned by the change of 
times and circumstances. 

Debts contracted beyond one's ordinary means of prompt pay- 
ment, lead people to fictitious apologies, and false promises, and 
too often make them confirmed liars and knaves, in the end. 

People secretly embarrassed with debt, are extremely apt to ad- 
venture property, which in strict justice is not their own, in haz- 



4b COMMERCE. 

ardous speculations,* and othervvays to engage themselves in des- 
perate undertakings, and frequently terminate their course in 
swindling and other infamous practices. 

In truth, there are but few people who come out of considerably 
embarrassed circumstances, with clean hands, and uncorrupted 
minds. 

When people feel the pressure of debts beyond their ordinary 
means of payment, they too often throw themselves into the hands 
of knaves and tyrants, who, after skinning them, make use of 
them as instruments for robbing and oppresssing others. 

Tyrants and knaves, often successfully bate their traps and 
snares, with credit, to bring their prey within the reach and hold 
of their fangs. 

Finally — every one, who loves his liberty, and would be truly 
independent, seldom runs much in debt. Free from debt, with 
one dollar aforehand, a man is independent, in a degree, and 
worth millions, he is no more. 

In fact, no man can be truly said to be independent, who is al- 
ways indebted to others, for even his opinion. 



Commerce. 

Intercourse, or an exchange of commodities between differ- 
ent nations or sections of country, is certainly desirable, when and 
wherever it can be conducted without sacrificing a greater good 
than is received in return. 

From an aversion to every thing that bears the name of labor } 
and through the influence of excessive avarice, some have carried 
schemes of trade and traffic, to a degree that perhaps better de- 
serves the name of gambling, or of swindling, than of commerce. 

The labor-hater, had much rather lounge in a counting room, or 
behind a counter, and devise means to set a superficial value on 
his goods, and thereby get something for nothing worth, than to 
earn his living by the honest " sweat of his brow ;" and it is much 

* Including copious purchasers of lottery tickets, to the ultimate lose 
and injury of their creditors ! 



COMMERCE. 47 

easier to practice fraud, in schemes of trade and^speculation, than 
in cultivating the earth, or in manfacturing useful articles.* 

Men in commercial pursuits, for the most part, no doubt would 
be willing to import and retail to the people of this new and rising 
nation, all the vices and follies of the old, corrupt and oppressed 
world, for the usual profits. 

The trading craft, would be highly benefitted and delighted, no 
doubt, if they could so manage as to have all the produce of the 
arts, the earth, and the ocean, pass through their hands once at 
least, before they came to the consumers. Besides, their arts and 
efforts to involve the knowledge and operations of commerce and 
trade, in unnecessary intricacy and obscurity, often manifests a 
policy, as base and hypocritical, as it is injurious to the best inter- 
ests of society. 

Commerce is too often dictated by indolence and cupidity. 

Jews are excessively attached to trading. 

The venders of merchandise address themselves to our vices 
and follies, more often than to our better senses. 

Credit is chiefly instituted for the use of commerce ; and 
through the means of credit, numerous and immense frauds are 
facilitated. f 

Men's hearts are apt to be with their fortunes • and when their 
property is afloat, or in some foreign country ; or when they con- 
sider themselves dependent on the favors of any distant nation or 
power, for their principal means of success, they are seldom true 
to the interest, honor or independence of the country they inhabit. 

Practising merchants and traders, generally have but little per- 

* It is often very convenient, I know, for traders to shift off the blame 
of deceitful made articles, on to the manufacturers — although the mer- 
chant or trader himself might have ordered the goods made in a sham or 
deceitful manner, in order to make up the deficiences by his own crafty 
displays, representations and management. 

f To the great benefit and delight of unprincipled lawyers, and sharp- 
ers generally ; who, therefore, while acting as legislators, judges, and ex- 
ecutors of the laws, generally study to indulge credit, trade and specu- 
lation, to the destruction or injury of the best interests of the commu- 
nity. 



4^ FINESPUN ARGUMENTS. 

manent interest or property. They are often a kind of bird of 
passage — at home any where they can make money. They can 
" pack up their duds and be off," readily, when it suits their in- 
terest or convenience. 

Those concerned in commerce and trading, chiefly control our 
new fashions of dress, &c. ; and often render them extremely 
pernicious to the country, for the sake of augmenting their own 
profits and influence. 

How great a proportion of the losses experienced by endorsing* 
and failures, may be fairly imputed to commerce and trading 1 

Finally ; can the United States be involved in war, or troubles 
of any considerable magnitude, abroad or with any foreign pow- 
er, and foreign commerce not be the chief cause ? 



Finespun Arguments. 

Finespun arguments, proceeding either from a foolish vanity 
to hear ones self prate, or from an intention to deceive, by com- 
bining truth and error so nicely together as hardly to be distin- 
guished, have generally an evil tendency in society. Like a little 
wheat mixed with a great deal of chaff, such speeches and wri- 
tings, are hardly worth culling. Besides, such chaff is very liable 
to bewilder and blind people. 

Most people who communicate to the public, might be properly 
advised to think more and say less. Cull, sift, pack, and give the 
public only the flour, without the straw, chaff*, or bran. 

" Brevity is the soul of wit." 

A certain person, in writing to his friend, remarked that, if he 
had more time he should have written less. This appeared some- 
what paradoxical, until the writer explained, when he said that, if 

* When one man endorses for another, without receiving- any security, 
favor or compensation of equal value in return, he insures, and without a 
premium. It is worth a premium to insure, even against the smallest 
hazards. A man's house, or life, may be less hazardous to insure, than 
the prompt payment of his debts. 



PUBLIC CELEBRATIONS. 49 

he had time to have selected the most appropriate words and sen- 
tences, and to have arranged his ideas, he could have expressed 
much more in fewer words. 

The most famous Grecian and Roman characters, were cele- 
brated for their short, clear and comprehensive mode of expression, 
and so indeed are the good and great men of every age and coun- 
try. They wish to be understood — not to deceive, consequently 
they study to express themselves in plain, simple language, suited 
to the learning, capacities and understandings of the common 
people. They do not strive to see who can make the longest speech 
about nothing, like some of our windmills of the present day : nor 
study to obscure the meaning of any part of their communications 
to the public, in foreign or dead languages, that not more than one 
person in five hundred generally understands. 

Franklin would say more to the purpose, in five minutes, 
than many of our long-winded speech makers do in as many 
hours. 



Public Celebrations. 

Celebrations of a general or national character, such as the 
4th of July — the birth~day of our nation, serve to remind us of the 
origin and worth of our liberty and independence — to cultivate a 
national sensibility, and to expand the flame of patriotism. On 
such occasions, if any among us are in pain, it fully manifests 
their hostility to the nation, and generally compels them to bite 
their tongues or cover their heads. 

Party celebrations, where there is not a general occasion for 
joy, tend to excite the envy and malice of opponents ; and gener- 
ally terminates to the disadvantage of the party celebrating. — 
They seem to compel modest believers, to take a rank hold, or 
none at all — to hiss, or be hissed. 



50 DUELLING, OR THE CLUB LAW. 

Costly Local Monuments. 

Before mankind were much civilized, a heap of earth or stone 
was raised as a monument, or token of respect for some person or 
character, or to commemorate a signal, or meritorious act or event. 
As the arts progressed, figures and characters were inscribed on 
those monuments, more expressive of their meaning and intent. 
Since the art of printing has been perfected, history furnishes a 
much more correct, extensive, and durable account of human 
character, and of the singular and interesting events of time, and 
renders those local and barren monuments, of little or no use. 

Institutions of a useful or benevolent character, beat fruitful 
evidence of human worth and excellence ; but costly and useless 
heaps of earth or stone, impoverish and deceive mankind, then 
moulder into oblivion, or serve to excite the tyrant's rage, or to in- 
crease the booty of conquest and plunder. 

Finally, had the same time and money, which has been expend- 
ed in raising, or constructing costly local monuments, in commem- 
oration of human character, or of the singular and interesting 
events of time, been judiciously applied to the founding or aid of 
benevolent and useful institutions, — real public improvement, we 
should have a much more valuable evidence of the wisdom and 
goodness of our ancestors, than we now have. 



Duelling, or the Club Law. 

It is evidently a base and foolhardy act, for a man voluntarily to 
jeopardize his own life in a duel, since there is no reasoning in the 
case, nor evidence of innocence, or of guilt, manifested by the re- 
sult. 

" You are a coward, and dare not hazard the public opinion," 
said one man to another, who had just accepted a challenge to 
fight a duel. 

Most duels originate from offences, too trifling to be taxed with 
a penalty, by man in his cool and deliberative capacity, or 
senses, 



DUELLING, OR THE CLUB LAW. 51 

I should rather consider it as infamous, than honorable, for a 
man to prostrate the laws of civil society, which he had sworn to 
support, as a freeman, or magistrate ; to violate the bonds of mar- 
riage, which he had called Heaven and Earth to witness, in the 
comfort and support of a partner, and her tender offspring, by vol- 
untarily talcing a part in a duel. 

Should this mode of deciding controversies between individu- 
als of the same country, become general, it would do away the 
distinction between the injured, and aggressor, by putting both on 
a par : render the reasoning faculties of man in a manner useless, 
and be productive of such consequences, as to make even the brutes 
mourn, for the ferocity and despotism of uncivilized man. 

As an apology for duelling, it has been pretended, by some, that 
the custom has a tendency to prevent base persons from slander- 
ing reputable characters ; but my own experience and observation 
enables me to conclude that the reverse is generally the case, and 
that the bullying, barbarous and despotic influence of duelling, of- 
ten deters honest and worthy men from exposing, and ultimate- 
ly defeating profligates, knaves and impostors. 

The club law, however refined in its mode, implements and op- 
erations, is nevertheless as brutal or savage in its origin and true 
character, as it is despotic and unreasonable in its influence and 
effects ; and whether it is enforced by side or fire arms — with 
spears, swords, guns, pistols, arrows, tomahawks, daggers, canes, 
whips, clubs, stones, brickbats, fists, claws, feet, teeth, or nails — 
with implements furnished by nature, or art, it still manifests its 
unreasonable, ferocious and brutal character. 

The terrors of the club law, are chiefly directed against the cause 
of justice and humanity. The biggest rascal, or brute, is generally 
the hero of the club law. 

The club law, seems to exercise a kind of usurped despotism 
in society, setting at defiance the civil law, justice, reason, and 
common sense. 

The prevalence of duelling, is, indeed, a glaring outrage upon 
the character of a civilized people. 

It is wonderful what public magistrates do with their oaths to 
enforce the laws, while they connive at the progress of this barba- 



52 CIVILIZATION. 

rous and destructive custom ; and it is perhaps as singular, that 
such servants should be continued in public employ. 

It is contended, as an apology for duelling, that there are many 
serious insults, and other injuries experienced by individuals, for 
which the laws of the land afford no adequate and practicable rem- 
edy. This is a lamentable fact ; but duelling, or the club law, af- 
fords no certain remedy, for the aggressor stands an equal chance 
to come off victor, in this savage and unreasonable contest. Be- 
sides, what satisfaction could it afford a man of truly honorable 
feelings, to have killed a fellow being, or made him a cripple for 
life, in a moment or gust of passion, for perhaps some trifling or 
imaginary offence ? 

If the object of duelling be not murder, and the duellist only de- 
sires a reasonable satisfaction for an insult or injury committed on 
his person or character, for which the laws of the land do not afford 
an adequate and practicable remedy ; then let there be a board 
of honor, either temporally provided for the occasion, or perma- 
nently established for the trial of such cases. The parties, wit- 
nesses and judges, should all be bound by the ties of christianized 
or civilized honour, (to do as they would be done by,) in such ca- 
ses ; and after examini ig into the merits of the case, the board 
should decide upon the true nature and magnitude of the offence, 
and the satisfaction to be rendered. If a party refused compli- 
ance with this mode of decision, it would generally put them so 
manifestly in the wrong, as to supersede the necessity of any fur- 
ther explanation. 

At best, duelling is an act of desperation ; and generally re- 
sorted to under a gust of passion, and without any reasonable, jus- 
tifiable or sufficient cause — and particularly when the parties are 
under the pledges, and within the range of civilized society. 



Civilization. 

Civilization, mainly consists in a due regard to moral and po- 
litical justice, in our established laws, usages, intercourse and 



CIVILIZATION. 53 

habits of life. It has but little to do with the fashions of dress, 
dwellings, equipage, ceremonies, or matters of mere external show. 
That is, a nation or people may have splendid mansions, displaying 
heaps of polished marble, adorned with curious sculptures and 
paintings ; they may dress and decorate their bodies gaily, ride in 
pompous vehicles, and banquet upon wine and high seasoned dain- 
ties ; they may marshal the multitude into tedious and showy pro- 
cessions, accompanied with sweet sounding instruments of music, 
mount high rostrums and make fine speeches ; they may even 
erect the most costly and splendid temples, decorated with gold and 
other precious objects, and offer up supplications and sacrifices to 
the idol of their worship. All this they may do, and even much 
more, and not be civilized, in a strict sense of the term. 

Human improvement, or whatever contributes substantially to 
the support, peace, health, security, prosperity and happiness of 
mankind in general, promotes civilization. 

Intellectual, moral and political improvements, are the highest 
and best fruits of civilization. 

The ancient Greeks, and Romans, either taken collectively, 
could not be considered as a civilized people. They might per- 
haps more properly be regarded as powerful and accomplished 
robbers, who enriched and aggrandized themselves upon the spoils 
of others. War was their chief trade, and conquest and plunder 
their proudest harvest. The weak were robbed or dispossessed of 
their earnings and property, by force, and their persons slaughter- 
ed, or consigned to slavery, for the support and gratification of the 
strong. Virtue and usefulness were outlawed and degraded, and 
indolence, treachery and barbarity honored and rewarded. The 
showy and useless arts were cultivated to excess, to decorate and 
pamper vice and indolence, while most of the substantial and use- 
ful arts and comforts of life, were despised and neglected. Vir- 
tue and human excellence was hunted down with a savage feroci- 
ty, and the best men obliged to flee their country, or be butchered. 

The Christian system, which is the basis of real civilization, 
has taught mankind the wickedness and absurdity of such a 
course of policy and conduct ; and that it is by a mutual ex- 
change of good services, that the general prosperity and happiness 



54 CIVILIZATION. 

of the human family, is promoted — by doing unto others as we 
would that men should do unto us. 

Man perfectly civilized, is the subject of truth, justice, and rea- 
son. 

We now begin to realize some of the good fruits of civilization ; 
which teaches us, among other things, that every human being has 
certain natural rights — derived from the Creator, with our being ; 
that these rights cannot be forfeited, only by our own voluntary 
acts ; and that every man is justly entitled to the fruits of his 
own industry — subject to an equal and just tax, or proportion of 
the preparations and expenses, necessary to protect his person and 
property, and to maintain the good order and progress of civil so- 
ciety. 

When ambition induced Napoleon Bonaparte to seize the reins 
of monarchy, he adopted a degree of uncivilized policy, and sought 
to enrich and aggrandize his favourite persons and places, by the 
conquest and plunder of others. He created privileged orders of 
men, and lavished boundless honours and favours, upon those 
who were the most serviceable in his schemes of ambition. He 
attached to the fortunes and favours of his person, an immense 
military establishment ; a priesthood ; orators, statesmen, diplo- 
matists, dramatists, artists, poets, musicians and panegyrists, 
whose chief business was to open and smooth the way to the ob- 
jects of their master's ambition, and to garnish over his transac- 
tions.* 

The same policy is more or less pursued by all chiefs who get . 
their power, or retain it, by force, or any way in contempt of the 
people. Every village despot, or petty aspirant to power, even in 
our own country, generally studies to render the hopes and fears 

* It is fair to notice, that Bonaparte benefitted the best part of the 
French people, and in a manner reconciled and attached them to his 
government and person, by practising a degree of genuine civilized pol- 
icy ; in promoting useful agricultural and manufacturing improvements, 
constructing roads and canals, and, above all, by causing all the ancient, 
complex, intricate, obscure and absurd systems of law, to be revised in- 
to, or superseded by. one simple and definite code, suited to the general 
wants, understanding and use of the common people. 



KINGCRAFT, 55 

of his neighbours and fellow men, subservient to his will and pur- 
poses, by a similar course of uncivilized policy. 

The right of conquest, as maintained by the nations of Europe, 
is a barbarous and highly uncivilized policy. 

I doubt whether there can be such a thing, as a civilized state 
or nation, truly considered, without a written, definite and estab- 
lished constitution or form of civil government, emanating in the 
free will and choice of the people, and subordinate to their altera- 
tion and control. 

I consider the declaration of American independence, as the 
first charter of civilized rights ; and I have no doubt but that it 
ultimately will be universally regarded, as the most sacred instru- 
ment that ever emanated from men. 

It would be just and rational to conclude, that real civilized na- 
tions, would cause a congress of delegates to assemble, at some 
central and convenient place, to legislate, and form, or otherwise 
agree upon a definite and complete code op inter-national 
law, for the future government of their national rights, transac- 
tions and concerns ; and that they would provide for a grand arbi- 
tration, or some other judicious mode of enforcing the laws and 
settling national disputes or differences : so as finally to do away 
the savage custom of warfare ; by which men often descend below 
the general character of brutes, in striving to see " which can do 
the other the most harm !" 



Kingcraft 

Kingcraft, mainly consists in a _ systematic combination of ig- 
norance and corruption, artfully interwove, connected and train- 
ed together, by a variety of hypocritical and crooked ties, policies 
and habits of life, co-operating to maintain the chief sovereignty 
of a state or empire, in a single individual, or family compact, 
against the understanding and free will or choice of the people. 

The dictates and general policy of kingcraft, would represent 
the world as a cheat, and the biggest cheat as the best fellow : 
And, consequently, in a general sense, whatever frauds or impo- 



56 KINGCRAFT. 

sitions are practised on mankind, are right and proper, provided 
they are done learnedly and systematically, and are performed un- 
der a legitimate, or holy pretext, conformably to the general policy 
and designs of kingcraft, and so that the vulgar and unsanctified 
cannot participate or derive any benefit from them. 

Hence, Schoolcraft, priestcraft, witchcraft, lawcraft, literary- 
craft, warcraft, and the whole family of corrupt and hypocritical 
crafts, were either created for the express service and designs of 
kingcraft, or have been drawn in to its aid and support. 

Schoolcraft, is chiefly devoted to the service aud general de- 
signs of kingcraft, by early, and artfully inculcating in the minds 
of youth, false ideas of their own natural and just rights, abilities, 
and best good ; and by imposing on their credulous and tender 
minds, ridiculous prejudices, concerning the rights, and infallibil- 
ity of kings, emperors, or sovereign princes ; the sacredness of 
their persons, and the love they entertain for their subjects ! Every 
thing, in fine, that has a tendency to form the youthful mind to 
the impositions and general designs of kingcraft. 

Priestcraft, imposes base and fraudulent arts and designs on 
mankind, under a pious or holy pretext ; and is generally devoted 
to the services of monarchy, or corrupt men in power. The mas- 
ters of this craft mostly effect their purposes, by complexing and 
obscuring many of the plainest and most important truths of " di- 
vinely inspired revelation" — by studiously involving the light of 
Heaven in darkness and mystery ; so as to pervert religious faith 
and zeal, to their hypocritical and base purposes ; and finally to 
play the devil with mankind under the name of religion ! 

Witchcraft, is a pretended supernatural agency of the infernal 
spirit ; and formerly was an active aid of priestcraft ; but has been 
so completely outdone, and finally superseded, by the witcheries 
and devilish works of the more learned and polished crafts, in de- 
ceiving, corrupting, robbing, tormenting and destroying mankind, 
as to have fled to the wilderness for support among the Inbians ! 

Lawcraft, studiously involves the rights and interests of man- 
kind, in uncertainty, by a variety of intricate, complicated, tedious, 
obscure, expensive, hypocritical, perplexing, and vexatious law 
systems, rules and proceedings; renderingthe common rights and 
interests of mankind, subservient to the chief will and purposes of 



KINGCRAFT. 57 

the learned, and wealthy. Exciting the evil passions, and keep- 
ing fellow-beings by the ears, or at variance with each other's 
rights, interests, and best good, by crooked and uncertain quib- 
bling, shuffling, squirming, twisting and juggling, under some hy- 
pocritical pretence of aiding and supporting their just and neces- 
sary rights, reputations and fortunes, and of endeavouring to re- 
sist, defeat, and prevent in future, arts and designs of an opposite 
character and tendency. 

This craft is generally devoted to the services and crooked de- 
signs of any individual, or body of men, when well feed. The 
masters of lawcraft, in this country, seem intent on their own ele- 
vation to privileged power, or a kind of political, inquisitori- 
al sovereignty. For which reason, the enlightened and best 
friends of justice and humanity, are studiously promoting the es- 
tablishment of a truly civilized and republican code of law ; and 
an equal distribution of offices and power, among men of the dif- 
ferent professions and concerns of the community. 

Literary-craft, is displayed in a variety of little arts and ef- 
forts to involve the light of nature and human experience, in in- 
tricate and obscure language — often by a hypocritical perversion of 
the proper meaning of words — a kind of " hocus pocus" or jug- 
gling of letters ; and by promoting complex, tedious and expen- 
sive systems of education ; useless, frivolous and obscure reading, 
in order to keep the great mass of mankind in ignorance and bon- 
dage — subordinate to the imposition, control and designs of the 
few of their own peculiar education, interest and policy. 

Warcraft, is the child and faithful servant of kingcraft. 

In order to acquire, and maintain a haughty and corrupt sove- 
reignty and control over mankind, they must be excited and train- 
ed to mutual enmity, depredation and destruction. For which 
purpose, odious distinctions are created and kept alive, between 
people of different complexions, languages, dress, manners, occu- 
pations, customs, habits and conditions in life, to sever and destroy 
the ties of mutual sympathy and fellow-feeling, natural to the 
whole human ';mily. 

The ingenuity and energy of mankind must be excited, whet, 

strengthened and kept alive, by every little cunning, artifice and 

8 



58 KINGCRAFT. 

management, for their mutual annoyance and destruction, in or- 
der to harden their feelings, and habituate them to the existence 
and perpetuation of this ivolf -hearted, self -annoying , self -destroy- 
ing policy. 

An actual state of warfare, however unnecessary or unjust it 
may have been in its origin or designs, seems to justify the raising 
of large military forces and supplies ; the exaction of heavy tax- 
es and other burdens, and the injunction of additional restraints 
upon our personal freedom and intercourse. 

War also creates an apology for borrowing large sums of money, 
upon the faith or credit of the nation, or a pledge of public prop- 
erty ; and seems to justify a profuse expenditure of the public 
funds. 

War has a most peculiar tendency to corrupt and harden the 
feelings, minds and dispositions of mankind, and to fit them for 
schemes of treachery, oppression and cruelty — for mutual annoy- 
ance and destruction. 

Many of the flood gates of vice are hoisted during the existence 
of war. 

After a nation or people have been accustomed to the exactions, 
burdens and restrictions of an actual state of war, for a considera- 
ble length of time, and to witness the profuse and extravagant ex- 
penditures of the public property, during the same, under an ap- 
parent necessity, they yield more readily to such measures and 
policy, in times of peace, and in cases of less apparent emergen- 
cy. Habit has trained them to the yoke, and rendered the re- 
strictions familiar, and the burden a common load. 

In order to seem to justify the keeping up of considerable mili- 
tary forces, by land or sea, in times of general peace, some evil 
passions must be excited, provoked, stirred up, let loose, connived 
at or kept alive. For which purpose, bands of robbers, petty in- 
surrections, riots, and other indications of insubordination and 
danger, upon land ; and piracy, smuggling, and the like, on the 
waters, are generally resorted to. 

Probably for the same reason, the petty states of Barbary have 
been permitted to carry on their piratical system of warfare, by 



KINGCRAFT. 59 

the maritime powers of Europe ; one of whom alone could have 
silenced them at once, if they chose. 

How very kind it appeared in the British government, at one 
time, to keep their armed ships cruising in every sea, to protest 
mankind against the pirates, when for one fourth, and perhaps a 
tenth part of the expenses actually incurred thereby, the whole 
nest of pirates might have been destroyed, or blocked up in their 
own country, or their piratical practices otherways discouraged 
and finally discontinued. 

The same policy of government, kept up armed forces in times 
of peace, in the colonies of North America, professedly to keep 
the Indians in check ; when, if they had only faithfully endeav- 
oured to induce the same to have changed their savage mode of 
life, instead of encouraging them in it, and furnishing them with 
means to carry on their warfare more successfully, it would have 
appeared unnecessary, at least, in a considerable degree. The 
same inhuman and self destructive craft, has also encouraged and 
protected counterfeiters, thieves, smugglers, &c, in their territories 
bordering on our country. 

While the principle of force is operating, reason loses half its 
empire over man. 

The terrors of a government with a large military force at hand, 
stifles truth and reason. Without such a legion of mercenary 
butchers at hand, the terrors of a despotic chief or master would, 
in a great measure, cease to operate ; and truth and reason would 
resume their natural empire over man. 

The terrors of frequent and sanguinary executions and punish- 
ments, also have a tendency to keep the subjects of monarchy in 
awe. 

War corrupts mankind, and produces inequality in their wealth 
and general condition, both to the great promotion of king-craft. 

Wars generally afford unbounded chances for speculation and 
spoil, on the public funds, and almost every kind of merchandize 
and other property. 

War creates numerous and profitable offices, and other public 
employments ; and greatly increases the number of public pen- 
sioners and paupers ; to the ultimate increase of the taxes and 



60 RULING PRINCIPLES OF DIFFERENT GOVERNMENTS, 

burdens on the honest and useful industry of the community : for 
there is no other class of people who earn or create property, but 
hose who practise some necessary or useful labour, profession or 
Occupation in society. 

Every policy and measure of government, that increases the ex- 
actions and restrictions, on the common people, decreases their 
general wealth and influence in society, and increases the riches 
and power of those in the exercise of authority. 

Corruption and hypocrisy have become fashionable, in some 
parts of the old world, in consequence of the long prevalence — 
practices and examples of kingcraft. 

Kingcraft has been considerably worked into the education, 
manners, fashions, policy and conduct of the people and govern- 
ment of this country, by its usual agents. Even so, that in some 
instances it would seem, a man had more actual harm to appre- 
hend, from acting the true Christian, republican, patriot or bene- 
factor of mankind, than from playing the hypocrite, the knave, 
the tyrant, or public despoiler. Some of the old disorder still lin- 
gers with us, and more regularly invade us with every importing 
gale. 



Ruling Principles of different Governments. 

In all the different forms or systems of human government, 
there are only Two different and distinct principles generally man- 
ifested — namely,/orce and reason. 

Although/mwd has an active and general agency in the rule of 
monarchy, yet force bears the chief sway. The will of the sove- 
reign is law ; and without any great regard to its justice, or bene- 
fit to his subjects. He regulates every thing pretty much accord- 
ing to his own whim or interest — the same as a man exercises his 
power and authority over his cattle, or slaves ; except that, in some 
countries, a man is liable to legal punishment for inhuman treat- 
ment to his slaves, or cattle : but the monarch has no such check 
upon his power and control over his subjects. 

Reason, with truth and justice by her side, bear the chief rule 



RULING PRINCIPLES OF DIFFERENT GOVERNMENTS. 6i 

in a genuine republican government ; which is manifested in a 
regular system of laws and customs, founded in the free will or 
cJwice of the people, and designed for their equal protection, ac- 
commodation, and advantage. 

The title to sovereignty, in monarchies, is usually claimed by 
the right of conquest, or heirship ; and no political authority is 
allowed, which does not proceed from the monarch. Every meas- 
ure, policy, or proposition, however well founded in justice, rea- 
son, humanity, or however highly regarding the prosperity and 
good of the people, are all strangled or set at defiance, when not 
in unison with the will and pleasure of the sovereign ruler. Su- 
perstition ;* the scourge, the shackles, the prison, the gibbet, the 
halter, and the bayonet, (quite a fashionable argument, of late, 
with the legitimates,) all combine their power and influence, to si- 
lence the common freedom of enquiry, remonstrance, and the ex- 
ercise of every thing like rational and manly liberty, and to force 
an absolute and unconditional compliance with the will and pleas- 
ure of the sovereign chief. 

The right of conquest, as it has generally been regarded by 
monarchists, is totally at variance with the principles of republi- 
canism ; which are founded in justice and reason, and do not al- 
low that merely the strength or ability to dispossess another by force, 
gives a right to property, or dominion.! 

In a republic, the people claim the sovereign power or authori- 
ty, as a natural inherent right, derived from the Creator with our 
being. They allow no privileged orders of men, nor natural 

*It has sometimes been claimed for sovereigns, that they were the 
" Lord's anointed" and that whoever objects to their rule, rebels against 
the sovereign decrees of Heaven ! 

These pretensions however are becoming" too ridiculous for serious ar- 
gument, at this enlightened period. 

f Suppose the common people of any country, state or nation, should 
come out in their might, and declare that power was law i and take the 
property and possessions of the rich, haughty and overbearing monarch- 
ists, and their aristocratic leagues, especially those who have outlawed 
the common people, and denied them their natural and just rights — what 
would they then say to the right of conquest ? They might perhaps 



62 RULING PRINCIPLES OF DIFFERENT GOVERNMENTS. 

superiors ; but found all their preferments, honors and rewards, 
upon actual and acquired merit. 

Those who make and administer the laws for the government of 
a republic, are the agents or servants of the people, elected or cho- 
sen expressly for the several purposes, and who are held accounta- 
ble to the people for the faithful performance of their specified du- 
ties and engagements. 

Some systems of government partake of the two principles, 
force, and reason, by dividing the power between the monarch, no- 
bles or aristocracy, and the people. This is generally called a lim- 
ited monarchy. 

The nobles are the creatures of the sovereign power, made for 
the use and convenience of the monarch, and may be generally re- 
garded as instruments and appendages of his authority. 

The two opposite principles of such a form or system of gov- 
ernment, are generally at variance, until, by corruption, fraud or 
violence, one or the other of the powers get the assendancy and 
control. After the people have had one hand bound, they can 
much easier be deprived of the use of the other, than while they 
have both hands at liberty to defend themselves with ; and as men 
are generally inclined to be despots, (would, if they could, control 
even the very thoughts of their fellow beings,) it is therefore high- 
ly dangerous and absurd, to consent to the deprivation of the least 
portion of rational liberty. 

Doctor Paley, in his moral and political philosophy — in his 
smooth and artful vindication of the British form of government,* 

appeal to custom, (which sanctifies every enormity,) and say that, true, 
their ancestors or predecessors came into possession of their wealth and 
dominion by improper means ; but then, time has sanctified their title 
or possession — an argument equally unjust and futile, if the original title 
or possession was not founded in righteousness and equity. 

There is no such thing- as a natural and just right to a dominion, ori- 
ginally claimed, or held in contempt of the people ; who are the only 
natural and just sovereigns of every civilized state or country under 
heaven. 

* Constitution, he calls it ; although it would puzzle him or any body 
else to give a written and definite copy of the articles. 



RULING PRINCIPLES OF DIFFERENT GOVERNMENTS. 63 

represents mankind as giving up part of their liberty, in order to 
secure the rest. But when, and to whom, have they given it ? 
The people never have been consulted on the subject ; neither 
dare their political masters submit the matter to their free under- 
standing and deliberate choice. 

The honest fact is, unprincipled and despotic men have usurped, 
or taken a degree of the natural and just rights and liberties from 
their fellow men, in proportion to their various means of getting 
and retaining possession of the same. As well might a pirate, or 
highway robber, claim the plunder surrendered up to them, (in 
order to save the lives of their defenceless victims,) as &gift. 

Paley* is equally absurd, in his defined " advantages of monar- 
chy," which he has enumerated as " unity in council, activity, de- 
cision, secrecy, despatch." Now, these are among the principal 
disadvantages which I should attach to monarchy. If the interests 
and sense of the people were duly consulted and regarded, on 
measures of public importance and concern, many of the mad wars, 
and other base, or silly projects and transactions of monarchy, sud- 
denly and secretly entered into, at the caprice or will of the sove- 
reign, would be prevented. 

There is no just and reasonable advantage to be derived by a 
nation, from an exercise of extensive authority, but may be pos- 
sessed by elective and responsible officers. An enlightened and 
wise people, would naturally delegate to their agents, all the au- 
thority necessary to fulfil the proper duties of their official stations, 
and consistent with the dignity and safety of the public, to invest. 
It is true, we sometimes see opportunities for accomplishing im- 
portant political objects, by the brief exercise of unbounded au- 
thority ; but, as such a power would be more likely to be abused, 
than judiciously exerted for the general good of mankind, it is 
therefore extremely unwise to entrust it to any human being. 

According to the political rules and maxims of monarchy, the 
reigning sovereign can do no wrong ; so that, whether he brings 

* This is a classical book, from which many of our collegians and oth- 
er scientific young" men, derive much of their political knowledge. 
We may, therefore, not be surprised at the political notions they often 
entertain. 



64 RULING PRINCIPLES OF DIFFERENT GOVERNMENTS. 

on national bankruptcy, or perpetual burdens of debt, disgrace, 
or other ruinous consequences, upon his nation or subjects, in 
consequence of his warlike, or other measures he might have en- 
gaged in, to retain his sovereignty by force, against the will of the 
principal part of the people of his empire or dominions ; or in 
assisting, at his own will, a relative or neighbouring prince, pre- 
tender or aspirant, to possess or retain sovereign power, in like 
manner ; or in indulging his own private pique, malice or inclin- 
ation, against a chief, nation or individual — even against his own 
wife, family or connection, within his own dominions ; or by the 
debauchery, waste, extravagance, injustice, oppression or cruelty, 
of his own public or private conduct : in either case, politically 
speaking, even according to the doctrines of limited monarchy, 
the sovereign has done no wrong. By which the monarch 
seems to say to his subjects, " I shall do pretty muck as I please, 
and you must make the best you can of it /" 

The simple truth is, that monarchy is such an unjust and unrea- 
sonable usurpation of human rights and authority, that no virtuous 
and enlightened being will understandingly support it of choice ; 
and those who are hired to justify monarchy, or who support it from 
an interested participation in the advantages of the sovereign 
power and concern, generally go upon the absurd presumption, 
that mankind are their own worst enemies — not fit to be entrusted 
with their own concerns, the choice of men or measures, for their 
own government ; but that the reigning chief, (whoever he may 
happen to be, although composed of flesh and blood, the same fal- 
lible materials as other men,) is not only fit and proper to govern 
himself, but to rule the people of a whole nation or empire, besides ! 

No wonder the advocates and leading supporters of monarchy, 
should strive, by every art and effort in their power, to render man- 
kind their own worst enemies — incapable of self-government, in 
order to support and retain the monarch in his sovereign power, 
and thereby gain their own wages and participated advantages ; 
but that mankind were created, or are by nature enemies to their 
own best good and happiness, is an idea as absurd, as it is false and 
infamous. 

It has been supposed, that because the chief or individual who 



HULING PRINCIPLES OF DIFFERENT GOVERNMENTS. 65 

beads an absolute sovereignty, or despotic exercise of power, would 
be unable to answer for, or incapable of sustaining a punishment, 
in due proportion to, perhaps an hundred thousandth part of the 
sins committed under his authority, that, therefore, he would not 
be punished at all ! But the chief only orders, and those who 
voluntarily or unnecessarily obey and execute his unjust and cruel 
designs and purposes, commit the overt act. 

The most surly, petulent, ferocious or blood-thirsty little animal 
that ever went upon two legs, could never have done much harm, 
of himself, without the willing aid and assistance of others. — 
Hence those who become the willing instruments and abettors of 
tyranny and oppression, are entitled to a due share of the merited 
punishment. Even every common soldier and sailor, who volun- 
tarily enter the service of a despotic or arbitrary chief, or a person 
who, in any way unnecessarily and understandingly aids and as- 
sists the execution of his base designs and purposes, outraging 
and setting at defiance the natural and just rights of men, merits 
a due proportion of the infamy and punishment. And no doubt, 
an infinitely just, wise and powerful God, has provided ample jus- 
tice for them, in the end. 

Marriages between the persons and families of monarchs, are 
generally conducted in a very unnatural and absurd way ; and not 
unfrequently occasion great national evils. 

The precautions employed to guard against spurious or illegiti- 
mate heirs to the thrones of monarchy, are troublesome, and often 
quite laughable. And after all the care and inspection, there is 
no certain evidence of the real father — which is, one would ima- 
gine, quite as important, as to ascertain the true mother. 

Murders and shocking civil wars, are sometimes the result of 
struggles for the possession of thrones, between rival heirs, pre- 
tenders or aspirants to sovereignty by the right of heirship and 
conquest. 

According to the general rules of legitimate monarchy, a fool 
or mad man may be born heir to the throne of sovereign power ; 
and perhaps no alternative or better way may be provided for his 
subjects, than to pension, imprison or murder him, and try the 
next legitimate heir in turn, and so on, until they can get one 

9 



66 RULING PRINCIPLES OF DIFFERENT GOVERNMENTS. 

more tolerable, or abide all the consequences of an imbecile, prof- 
fligate, severe or cruel master. 

To provide for the infancy, extreme imbecility, insanity, captiv- 
ity or voluntary absence, of a monarch, a regency has usually been 
employed — investing a number of select and responsible individu- 
als, with a limited exercise of the supreme power of state. This 
was the case with Great Britain, during the insanity of George 
the third ; with Spain, in the captivity of Ferdinand the seventh ; 
and with Portugal, during the absence of their flighted monarch. 
The governments of these three kingdoms, during the most criti- 
cal part of the late European contest, was conducted by a number 
of select and responsible individuals, invested with a limited de- 
gree of sovereignty, or exercise of the supreme power of state, 
without the assistance or control of their legitimate monarchs ; 
and I believe it will be admitted on all hands, that the affairs of 
these three nations, were conducted, during this critical period, 
with more than their ordinary abilities and success. 

This experiment developed many true secrets of government, 
to the people of those kingdoms ; and has already effected a very 
important change in their favour. (This has most particular re- 
ference to Spain, under the Cortes of 1812, and 1820.) 

During the restraint and embarrassment of their sovereign mas- 
ters, the people of South America, began to develope their own 
true character, situation and policy ; and a determined resistance 
to the sovereign yoke, became the ultimate consequence. 

The republican creed, is founded in the just, fair, and honorable 
position, that all men are born equally free, and equally entitled to 
justice, preferment and human happiness, and that the law knows 
no distinction of persons, only what arises from their conduct and 
acquirements in life. 

The main object of every virtuous and wise government, is to 
promote the general peace, security, prosperity and happiness of 
its subjects ; and whatever schemes or actions deviate from these 
general objects, are absurd, pernicious, and inconsistent with the 
character of a just and enlightened people. 

Monarchies, arbitrarily, unjustly and absurdly, restrain their 
subjects from the common freedom of human actions, for fear they 



HUMAN IMPROVEMENT. 67 

may act wrong ; and a republican government, justly and wisely, 
allow men the general freedom of action, but punish them for 
wrong actions. 

Instead of conforming a system of laws and state policy, to a 
crooked and depraved state of the human character, it is far more 
proper to found our measures in justice and reason, and let the 
habits and conduct of mankind, conform thereto. 

Monarchy is the worst result that can happen from a revolution, 
or defeated attempt to establish a republic or free form of govern- 
ment. 

Virtue and intelligence, are the very soul of a republic ; and 
ignorance and corruption, are the sources of monarchy and hu- 
man oppression. 

The subjects of monarchy, ask justice as a favour ; but the 
good citizen of a republic, demands justice as a common right. 

Monarchy depraves and degrades the human character, by ob- 
structing the freedom of rational and manly inquiry, and the lib- 
erty of action ; by establishing an empty and false standard of 
virtue and human greatness, and by cultivating a vain pomp and 
show, suited to 

" LOW AMBITION AND THE PRIDE OF KINGS." 

The empty titles, parade and decorations, that often seem to in- 
terest the subjects of monarchy, (as trifles please children,) only 
excite the ridicule and contempt of republicans. 

The ruling principle of monarchy, being force, without any 
particular regard to justice or reason, the subjects thereof are co- 
erced into compliance by a kind of slavish/*e«r ; but the good citi- 
zen of a republic, sees his own good in common with others, em- 
braced by the laws and customs of his country, and therefore com- 
plies with them of his own free will and clioice. 



Human Improvement. 
Every undertaking that tends substantially to the promotion of 



68 HUMAN IMPROVEMENT, 

health, support, peace, security, prosperity and happiness of 
mankind in general, may be denominated a human improvement. 

To cultivate and improve the good and useful faculties of the 
body and mind, and to restrain and subdue bad propensities, 
tends, doubly, to improve our happiness, and to exalt the human 
character. 

A whole community, thus improved, would not only avoid most 
of the usual evils of neglect and indulgence, but would ultimately 
enjoy the highest degree of happiness our nature is susceptible of. 

To promote this great and desirable object, in the most direct 
and efficient manner, we must take into consideration, the human 
talents, passions and propensities, and give them a right direction. 
This is effected by a variety of good precepts, examples, explana- 
tions and undertakings, tending to effect the enumerated objects 
in view. In this, every good member of society, is in duty bound 
to perform a part, corresponding to his, or her, abilities and sta- 
tion. 

Every plan, effort and undertaking, that has a tendency to im- 
prove the condition of the common people, is naturally inclined to 
excite the ill will and opposition, of those in possession of consid- 
erable extra learning, wealth, or power, or those who contend for 
undue advantages over their fellow men. It is important, there- 
fore, always to bear in mind, that whatever tends substantially to 
benefit the common people, will be generally viewed with hostility, 
by the aristocracy of the country. Hence, genuine Christianity, 
and republicanism, both, originated with, and have mainly been 
supported by, men of humble origin, circumstances and situa- 
tions ; whom those puffed up with undue wealth, learning, pow- 
er, rank, and authority, generally professed to despise, for their low 
birth, poverty, and ignorance. 

Every thing that has a tendency to promote genuine civilization, 
Christianity and republicanism, are most in accordance with the 
interests and feelings of the common people. We must, therefore, 
look to them chiefly for an impulse, or true sense of equal jus- 
tice, and fellow-feelings, and for whatever imports a common good, 
or the promotion of justice, humanity, prosperity and happiness, 
to mankind in general. 



EFFECTS OF HABIT. 69 

Effects of Habit. 

The natural effects of habit, on the human character, are truly 
astonishing — sometimes amounting to almost a total change of our 
natural sympathies and desires. 

The butcher, accustomed to the slaughtering of domestic ani- 
mals, soon loses his natural sympathies for expiring nature, and 
views the agonies of his victims, with as little emotion, as the rust- 
ling of a corn harvest, or the bubbling of water. To extinguish 
the vital principle of animal life, creates no delicate sensation in 
his breast : It is his trade, and the natural effect of habit. 

The soldier, long accustomed to gain all his points by the force 
and strattagem of arms, almost forgets that he was ever endowed 
with the faculties of reason, or the sense of an immortal soul. He 
views the appeals to reason, rather as an evidence of weakness and 
folly, than of human virtue and excellence. Domestic peace and 
prosperity, have no charms for him. Havoc is his trade : Slaugh- 
tered thousands, desolated villages, and enslaved millions, gene- 
rally, mark the progress of his glory. 

The lawyer, who has been long in the habit of augmenting the 
profits and resources of his professional business, by fostering the 
depravity, and prolonging the miseries of his fellow creatures, 
feels little or no regret for the unhappy victims of his policy. 
The bitter vexations — the long and painful anxieties, and the dis- 
tressing sacrifices, which he unnecessarily occasions his clints and 
others, to augment his own profits ; and whether he finally gains, 
or loses his client's cause, is of little consequence to the lawyer, 
provided he only gets his purposes well answered. He forms and 
colours the characters of individuals, and other circumstances in 
evidence, to suit his purposes, with as little regard to truth and 
virtue, as the potter fashions his clay, or the artisan glosses over 
his wares. Public virtue and intelligence, have no joys for him. 
The ignorant and unwary are the easiest betrayed and plundered, 
and their resentment the least to be dreaded. Litigation, and the 
wreck of fortunes, are his trade. Crimes, frauds, and human em- 
barrassments, are his delight. 

These are the natural effects of habit on the human character 



10 FOOL. 

But it has not escaped the observation of the moralist, philanthro- 
pist, and philosopher. History already bears evidence of their ten- 
dency, and precautions. — Long habit makes every thing appear 
right, however pernicious or deformed in their real character. 
Fools are the slaves of habit, and not the subjects of reason. 

Remarks. — In regard to the first profession alluded to, it may 
be observed, that butchers are already excluded, in some of the 
most civilized countries, from acting the part of jurors, in cases 
where life is depending, from their lack of sympathy or fellow 
feeling, or perhaps more properly from their habits of shedding 
blood and taking animal life. And States the most enlightened 
and jealous of their liberty, have long since been made sensible 
of the importance of entrusting their chief defence to citizens, 
well organized for defensive warfare ; who, after they have expelled 
the common enemy, return with joy and alacrity, to their domes- 
tic employment and concerns. But why lawyers should have been 
so long indulged with the chief control of states, when their pro- 
fessional interests, habits, and policy, are so notoriously hostile to 
the great cause of truth, justice, virtue and human liberty, is a 
subject that requires serious attention, and particularly in this 
country. 



Fool 



Among the numerous arts and efforts employed by the unprinci- 
pled and designing, to promote human ignorance and depravity, 
the true meaning and application of words have been studiously 
perverted, or basely neglected. 

Notwithstanding the word fool is defined in our dictionaries, 
supported by scripture, to mean an idiot or wicked person ; it is 
quite common to hear it said of a man, that he is more of a knave 
than fool ; and again, some say, call me a rogue, but not a fool — 
just as if there was a material distinction, or that knaves and 
rogues were not fools. Wonderful effort, this, of rogues policy, 
to compliment and encourage human ignorance and depravity ; 
and no doubt the studied evasion of the proper meaning and ap- 



FOOL. 71 

plication of this single word, is the chief cause of one half or 
more of the knavery and deceit, practised in our day and country. 

There are two sorts of fools in the world — namely, idiots, or 
natural fools, and made fools. The first, are those who by birth 
or accident, are rendered destitute of the common faculties of 
reason, and the others, are those who have had their understand- 
ings misdirected — that is, one is destitute of the common faculties 
of reason, and the other has had his understanding perverted. 

Those who, ignorantly or understandingly, set truth, justice and 
reason at defiance, are foolish, and act against their own actual 
and best good : and, although a person destitute of the common 
faculties of reason, is an object of pity and compassion ; yet a 
made fool or person of perverted understanding, generally deserves 
reproof, and sometimes smart correction, to awaken them into a 
proper application and exertion of their reasoning faculties. 

Made fools, are generally the slaves and instruments of Satan ; 
and are infinitely more numerous and dangerous in human society „ 
than idiots or natural fools — who are commonly a harmless and in- 
offensive class of unfortunate fellow-beings. But when persons of 
good natural talents and capacities, have had their minds- corrupt- 
ed, and their understandings perverted against the light of truth 
and reason, by false reasoning and hypocritical examples, every 
increase of their natural or acquired powers and faculties, adds to 
their danger in society, as enabling them to extend their general 
warfare against the cause of justice and humanity. Some times 
such persons seem determined, as much as in their power, to an- 
noy human prosperity and happiness. 

There are some people in the world, who might be properly de- 
nominated classical fools ; and others who appear wise in theory 
and foolish in practice ; and some there are, who seem to have all 
sorts of sense but common sense. But by far the greatest propor- 
tion of made fools , are the fashionable knaves and hypocrites of 
the world. 



LYING. 



hying. 

People of unprincipled and despotic minds, without the 
strength, courage, or ability to execute their will and purposes by 
force or open hostility, generally resort to some secret means for 
venting their spite against virtue, merit and human excellence. — 
And among all stratagems and combinations of such characters, 
for the annoyance and final defeat of truth, justice, virtue and 
human liberty, there is nothing more generally resorted to than 

LYING. 

Thus, a combination to lie down a rising prophet, patriot or 
public benefactor, has been apparently considered by some, as a 
learned, honourable and pious work. Of this we have had a fair 
sample, even in our own day and country : and perhaps no one 
ever more completely stood the test, or more fairly put down his 
enemies in his own life time, than did Thomas Jefferson — the 
apostle of liberty. And who, like the blessed Jesus, when he was 
reviled, reviled not again ; and did good to those who persecuted 
and spitefully used him. He spent his long life, great talents, ex- 
tensive information, and ample fortune, in doing good to his fel- 
low-beings. 

This art of lying down individuals, is also practised on a small 
scale, against any one who stands upright, and boldly refuses to 
yield to ignorance and corruption. An honest and enlightened 
man, who fearlessly thinks and acts for himself, and openly dis- 
dains the dictation and shackles of aristocracy, is pretty sure to re- 
ceive all the injury that falsehood and malice can inflict. In 
short, it has been considered quite fashionable, in some places, 
and particularly among a certain description of persons, to invent 
and circulate all the falsehoods that could be devised injurious to 
public benefactors, and their works and designs. And when 
priestcraft, lawcraft, and the other aids of kingcraft, put all 
their tools and machinery in operation, to lie down an individual 
or his undertakings, but few can stand the truly infernal attack, 



MONARCHY IN DISGUISE. 73 



Monarchy in Disguise. 

Monarchy, is introduced, inculcated and supported, by a variety 
of hypocritical arts, agencies and operations ; and where it can- 
not be effected by brutal force, or by the open dictation, sound or 
terror of " royal authority" it is frequently introduced, or kept 
along, by some secret or hypocritical and pleasing lead, artifice 
and management. Such as a general lead in matters of taste, 
learning , fashion and refinement. 

Thus, monarchists, after they found we could no longer be 
drove, like brutes, by force of arms — that they could not terrify 
us into submission to the " royal will ;" finally began to exercise 
a different policy towards us, and undertook to flatter some of our 
" head rebels," and to be, seemingly, mighty clever, in order to 
lead us as much as possible, into their fashions, customs and final 
condition. (Mother Britain still kept the pap of monarchy to 
our lips. The nice little matters of taste, learning, fashion and 
refinement, which the old lady regularly provided for us — in order 
to coax and drill us back again into the ranks of monarchy, actu- 
ally kept some hankering after a full tug at the royal pap !) 

However independent, republican and patriotic we may talk, 
we still permit the old world to exercise a kind of sovereignty over 
us, and actually to draw a considerable tax from us, for the sup- 
port of monarchy — through the lead we permit them to exercise 
in the alterations and control of our fashions of dress, and other 
matters of taste, education and refinement. 

The empires of Great Britain and France, are chiefly governed 
by their metropolisses — London and Paris ; whose decrees of 
fashion, &c. are regularly received in our importing cities — 
promptly carried into effect, and forwarded to the country and 
smaller places generally, for observance. Thus we are, in a mea- 
sure, ruled ; and often taxed to a considerable amount, in the ex- 
tra price we pay for the fancy — whim for the particular pattern, 
figure, color or other matters of taste ox fashion, and the prejudi- 
ces we indulge in favour of the country or place of their origin or 
production — that is, all of us who have not sufficient discernment, 

10 



74 MONARCHY IN DISGUISE. 

virtue, independence and patriotism, to resist the London and 
Paris decrees of fashion, &c. when not wisely adapted to our in- 
dividual wants and circumstances, and consistent with our coun- 
try's best good. 

We have so long and so implicitly complied with these decrees 
of fashion, &c. that they have assumed a power and influence 
with many among us, superior to our make of laws. 

Large cities, generally claim or expect a kind of homage from 
the country and smaller places around them, or within their sphere 
of action and influence. For which reason, I hope we shall nev- 
er have a London or Paris, in this country, to corrupt our habits 
and rule us. 

Some of the monarchies of Europe, are particularly well ena- 
bled to exercise a degree of influence over us, through our preju- 
dices, vanity, and the individual interests of many among us, by 
their numerous manufactured articles and other supplies, which 
invade us with every importing gale. 

European manufactures and literary productions, generally 
bring along and introduce with them, some of the pestilencies and 
plagues of monarchy, in some shape or manner. 

Newly manufactured or fashioned articles of dress, furniture, 
&c. ; new rules, doctrines or authorities of law, and religion ; 
systems and rules of education ; plays, novels, tales, and other 
fashionable amusements ; matters of taste, learning, fashion and 
refinement generally. 

These things, however trifling they may seem singly, or at the 
first view, nevertheless, when taken together, they often form the 
leading habits and character of a nation or people, and essentially 
rule their destiny — by early and artfully prejudicing their minds, 
effeminating their constitutions, degrading their habits, and finally 
fitting them for the general purposes and conditions of monarchy, 
Or arbitrary control. 

However anti-republican and absurd it may appear, we are still 
chiefly governed, in our highest courts, by British systems and 
doctrines of law ; and actually run after European etiquette and 
court policy. 

Our books, rules and systems of education, are mostly from the 
fountains and sinks of monarchy and aristocracy. 



MONARCHY IN DTSGTHSE. IB 

Our religion, too, must be imported, in order to be legitimate, 
with some, and all the various creeds and doctrinal points, settled 
and carefully laid down and fitted for us, by our European mas- 
ters — for the support of privileged orders of men. Indeed, some 
must have a head to their church in Europe ! 

We have to go to mother Britain, yet, even for a dictionary — 
to know how we may be permitted to spell and pronounce our 
words, and to understand what construction or meaning to give 
them. (Our language is full of kingcraft 3 or a hypocritical per- 
version of the proper meaning of words.) 

Most of the histories we read, even of our own country, have 
either been written, or revised and carefully fitted for us, by our 
European masters. 

Their newspapers, magazines, reviews, histories, novels, (ro- 
mances, tales or fashionable littles stories;) and numerous books, 
prints, plays, and matters of custom and amusement, generally 
fashion and qualify every thing, nicely for us, children — to teach 
us to cherish and respect the elements of monarchy and aristocra- 
cy. 

Most of the painted, engraved, and sculptured designs, as well 
as many other European productions, are artfully contrived, in 
name, color, form or figure, to pay some kind of homage or re- 
spect to monarchs and their broods of titled and privileged sup- 
porters. Almost every article of news, literature, manufactured 
or other production we receive from Europe, is more or less tinctur- 
ed with the form and spirit of monarchy and privileged orders of 
men, in some way or manner. 

The bare prejudices that have been artfully cultivated and kept 
alive in this country, in favoi 1 of European manufactures, customs, 
new fashions of dress, literary and other productions, amounts to 
a considerable premium in their favor, which we pay in support of 
monarchy and privileged orders of men. Such in fact is the pow- 
er of European fashions and customs with many among us, that it 
would bo considered a sort of rebellion, to resist their mandates. 
But the worst of this power and influence of European fashions 
and customs are, that they are artfully designed to promote mo- 
narchy and aristocracy among us, and are thus secretly, as it were, 



76 MONARCHY IN DISGUISE. 

undermining republicanism, by fashioning and preparing us, as 
much as possible, for their own rotten, and ultimate degraded con- 
dition. 

The manner in which many of our young females, and males, are 
educated, brought up and habituated, has a very fashionable ten- 
dency towards monarchy, or the elevation of pampered indolence, 
vanity and deceit, over true virtue, merit and human excellence. 

The simple difference between supporting a million of people 
in Europe to manufacture for us, (who may be brought against us, 
in case of foreign war,) and of maintaining the same number 
here, (who would act with us, in such case;) without reckoning 
the expense of transportation, out, and home, would operate im- 
mensely in favour of encouraging and supporting home industry. 

Foreign trade not only aids monarchy abroad, but it is destruc- 
tive to the equality and republicanism of our people at home. 

The fluctuations in prices, and uncertainty in receipt of sup- 
plies, of goods from a foreign country — from the dangers of the 
seas, wars, and foreign regulations and restrictions, subjects us to 
many inconveniences and sacrifices. Besides, the foreign articles 
chiefly arrive or concentrate in large quantities, in a few of our 
largest importing cities, convenient to be monopolized or controled 
by a league, or co-operation of desperate and overgrown specula- 
tors, on any sudden news, or emergency, and thereby large for- 
tunes extorted from us, by their rise in price, for the creation and 
support of a set of nabobs, to insult, swagger, and trample on the 
rights of the common people. Whereas, if these necessary and 
other supplies were manufactured, and otherwise regularly produ- 
ced among ourselves, they would be independent of foreign wars, 
interruptions or restrictions ; and could not be controled by a few 
greedy and overgrasping speculators ; but would be continually 
producing, supplying, enriching and benefitting our own country, 
in general. 

Some few have made money ; but the havoc which the fluctua- 
tions of foreign trade has often created among the business and 
people of this country, is truly afflicting, and has proved ruinous 
to many of our industrious, enterprising and worthy citizens, and 
their concerns. 



MONARCHY IN DISGUISE. 77 

More than one hundred millions of dollars, were lost to the 
manufacturers, merchants, and people of the United States, by 
the over supplies of foreign goods, that inundated the market of 
this country, soon after the late peace, chiefly in consequence of 
the duties being unreasonably reduced. 

Our importers and traders in foreign manufactures, productions 
and supplies, generally obtain a credit, from the foreign manufac- 
turer, factor or dealer, and from our own custom house credits for 
duties, averaging from six to eighteen months, which often affords 
a considerable amount of capital for them to dash upon — whereby 
they may shortly make a fortune, or sacrifice the whole — and then 
begin again, and again ! This creates foreign interests and at- 
tachments, and makes nabobs and aristocrats, or bankrupts, 
swindlers, and paupers, at home or in our own country. 

Whereas, those who deal in home manufactures, productions 
and supplies, generally receive their goods much sooner — with 
greater certainty, or less danger of interruption, loss, or delay — 
with more direct, immediate and sure responsibility against errors, 
or designed frauds — supplies received much more frequently — 
fewer stale and unsaleable goods lying on hand, from season to sea- 
son, eating out capital — far less capital required to do business up- 
on, and little or no credit — a much safer and steadier business, 
with moderate, but sure and regular profit and gains. Tending 
to produce, and maintain, a degree of equality and republicanism 
— to augment national wealth and our internal resources, and to 
cultivate and preserve a genuine attachment to our country and 
best interests. Besides, every manufacturing village, or establish- 
ment erected in the interior of our country, creates a home mar- 
ket, and steady demand for a degree of our farmers' produce and 
supplies. 

Custom, and fashion, too often make fools and slaves of man- 
kind. 

A milliner, mantua-maker, or tailor, direct from the metropo- 
lis or legitimate seat of custom and fashion, wherever it may be, 
often attract more notice, with the slaves and fools of fashion, than 
people of the most true and exalted worth. 

Customs and fashions are often contrived to effeminate, corrupt 



78 MONARCHY IN DISGUISE. 

and degrade the human constitution and character — like so many 
diseases preying upon the virtues and energies of the body and 
mind, they frequently destroy, even a sense of our noblest attri- 
butes and acquirements. 

Fashions and customs, like monarchy, have generally been cal- 
culated, (though artfully) to produce unjust and pernicious dis- 
tinctions among mankind. 

Some of our sturdy and independent republicans, who could 
not be drove an inch, if they could only be mixed and moulded 
into fashionable life, might soon be led, even to disarm and shackle 
themselves ! 

Take a number of our plain country boys and girls, at from ten 
to fifteen years of age, and let them live several years in Paris or 
London, in what is there termed fashionable life, and quite proba- 
bly they would feel themselves wedded to the general customs, 
habits and policy of monarchy. Indeed, the republicanism of 
many, brought up in our own cities, consists more in sounds than 
of substance. Our liberty, indeed, stands on a more firm and sure 
basis, than the quicksands of a numerous and corrupt city popula- 
tion — the chief bane, hitherto, of European liberty. 

The country is emphatically the home of true virtue and lib- 
erty. Great city customs and fashions have but a slight influence 
there, and that generally with the most hypocritical, or frivolous 
and vain part of the inhabitants. 

Any nation that manufactures and furnishes the most tasty ar- 
ticles of dress and furniture, for another, and dictates their edu- 
cation, fashions and refinement, exercise a kind of sovereignty 
over them, and generally derive a considerable tax thereby. 

Our dependence, or subordination to certain parts of the old 
world, in this respect, operates greatly in their favour. Even the 
'prejudices that prevail with many in this country, in favour of Eu- 
ropean manufactured articles, amounts to a premium of several 
per cent, in favour of foreigners, and against ourselves ! 

When the Wethersfield Grass Bonnet was brought before the 
American public, and considerable consequence attached to the 
production, as a source of our future independence in an impor- 
tant article of female dress ; an observing and thinking person re- 



THE PRESS, AND ITS ALLUREMENTS. 79 

marked, that while we were such slaves to European fashions, our 
mistresses there would only have to change the fashion of the chief 
material for bonnets, to some particular article or production of 
their own, which we could not make or supply, to bring us again 
under their dominion, in that particular article of dress ; and that 
they would be pretty sure to do so, as soon as we got nigh supply- 
ing ourselves with the article. 

Custom and fashion does more, in general, than the sword, for 
the support of privileged orders of men. 

Kingcraft, or monarchy in disguise, is thus carrying on a most 
dangerous and destructive warfare, against the virtue, republican- 
ism, independence and future prosperity and happiness of the 
people of this country. 



The Press, and its A Uurements. 

When the art of printing was perfected, by the invention and 
introduction of moveable types, it was soon perceived that it might 
prove a powerful means for extending the light of truth, and the 
cultivation of human knowledge. The enemy— the prompters of 
darkness, bigotry and corruption, therefore, seized their opportu- 
nity, and hypocritically imputed the invention to the devil. After 
this foul attack had failed to destroy this noble invention, they 
then, craftily deputed a devil to attend the press, (commonly cal- 
led printer's devil,) to prevent all the good, and to do all the mis- 
chief he possibly could, with the types. 

Most of our printers, it is believed, have rejected this ancient 
fiend of their profession ; but some still seem to think it pretty to 
play the devil as much as possible with the press. 

In a free country, almost any blockhead, or knave — however 
incapable, or basely inclined, may establish, purchase, or other- 
ways control a press, and become a public instructor and guide, 
according to his own mind. We should, therefore, be extremely 
thoughtful of whom we follow, or support in such cases. 

In derision of truth and human improvement, it is said that the 
press will labour for those who furnish most work, and pay ; and 



'60 THE PRESS, AND ITS ALLUREMENTS. 

that, consequently, printers generally will prefer to promote com- 
plicated and obscure systems of education, law, religion, history, and 
general science, for the sake of increasing their own business and 
gains. But, if the people are wise, and thoughtful on this sub- 
ject, printers and the press will labor most for the general good of 
mankind. 

There is something, however, to be regarded on this subject. 
Our newspapers have an immense influence and power in giv- 
ing an impulse, direction and lead to public opinion and actions- 
right or wrong ; and in ultimately forming the public character 
and governing the country. But they are not well calculated, in 
general, to promote the best good of the people or community — 
to aid the general cause of truth, justice, virtue, liberty and human 
improvement. 

Lawyers, who don't constitute more than a five hundredth or 
thousandth part of.our free population — and whose gains chiefly 
depend on the ignorance, wounds, and depravity of society, have, 
it is believed, more influence and control over newspapers, take 
them generally throughout the United States, than all the rest of 
our inhabitants. Those concerned in commerce and trading, 
have probably the next weight of influence with our newspaper 
conductors in general ; next priests, and doctors ; and last of all 
professions, comes farmers and mechanics — although they consti- 
tute about three fourths of our free population, and are by far 
the most worthy, and important members of this republican na- 
tion. 

The policy and political lead of our lawyers, and others of the 
learned professions, (so called,) interests them, peculiarly, in en- 
deavors to control the press. 

The advertising custom of a common newspaper, has a very 
dangerous, and often an extreme weight of influence. 

A few political adventurers— office seekers, and office retainers, 
and advertising customers, often have more influence with the 
conductor of a newspaper, than his far more numerous subscribing 
and reading customers. He therefore would be inclined to im- 
pose on the many, to benefit the few. 

Some editors, to serve advertising customers in promoting the 



THE PRESS, AND ITS ALLUREMENTS. 81 

sale of articles of female dress and show, or to favor a worse poli- 
cy or purpose, seem to take every opportunity to proclaim the as- 
semblage of female "beauty and fashion" — just as if women 
were not enough inclined to dress and vanity, without this public 
and puffing excitement ; or that mere dress and outside show, 
were any evidence of female worth and excellence. 

One lottery broker, by his advertising, printing, puffing and 
flourishing, many times has more actual weight of interest with 
an editor and proprietor of a newspaper, than fifty or an hundred 
farmers and mechanics,* 

Such papers or conductors — instead of performing their duty 
to their numerous subscribing and reading customers, by exposing 

* Here let me remark, that nothing- can be more false and infamous, 
than to represent lotteries — in order to promote the sale of tickets, as 
the " road to fortune" — " the way to wealth ; v as is also the em- 
ployment of numerous other puffing and deceitful accounts, emblems and 
allurements in common use ; when every man of good common sense 
and information, who duly calculates their ends, must know that lotte- 
ries generally prove, to the ignorant and deluded purchasers of tickets, 

the ROAD TO RUIN the WAY TO POVERTY, INTEMPERANCE and CRIMES. 

Our public servants, who have been duly invested with authority for 
the express purpose of making- and enforcing laws, for informing and 
protecting the people against fraud and evil excitements, seem, in this 
case, to have disregarded their duty, and the common good ; for that very 
class of people who mostly depend on the fostering care and protection 
of government, are thus given up to the deceit and treachery of unprin- 
cipled and designing sharpers. Some think the wolves and vultures of 
society, have got the chief lead ; and are raising game for their future 
spoil J 

In some states, they have enacted laws, professedly against the intro- 
duction and sale of foreign lottery tickets, wherein the purchaser as 
well as vendor, are made liable to penalty. Such laws no doubt were 
designed, by those who had the chief hand in making them, to defeat 
themselves. The vendor is the evil tempter, who should be punished; 
and the purchaser should be liable, if necessary, to testify to the fact of 
selling. 

Rendering a necessary and useful informer, odious, or any way unne- 
cessarily jeopardizing him, is a branch of rogues policy — adopted to de- 
ter men from employing the most effectual means of detecting and 
bringing to justice, criminal and other offenders. 

11 



82 THE PRESS, AND ITS ALLUREMENTS. 

and counteracting deceptions and other injurious practices and 
designs on the common people, generally study to serve their few 
intriguing and gambling employers ; and too often afford them 
peculiar and powerful aid in imposing upon the public, and indi- 
viduals. 

How then, it is asked, can our common people expect to derive 
any considerable benefit from newspapers, in their present condi- 
tion ? 

Besides, and with all our boasted freedom, it is said our press is 
not actually so free as that of Great Britain — where liberty has 
only one hand unbound ! 

Our knaves and little tyrants, hypocritically study to entangle, 
intimidate and destroy the genuine freedom of speech, and of the 
press ; and often derive important aid in their designs and under- 
takings, by using the laws of a foreign and monarchical country, 
and our own — either or both, as best suits their purposes. It is 
indeed a solemn fact, that as yet, but little has been done for the 
efficient protection and security of the freedom of speech, and 
of the press. Individuals openly combine, and employ base artifi- 
ces and other underhanded and dangerous means, to prevent the 
truth from being told, and especially when calculated to expose 
their base policy and conduct. 

One of the greatest blessings that could be conferred on the 
good people of this country, would be the effectual establishment 
and protection, of the genuine freedom of speech, and of the 
press — to free them from the rubbish, filth and excrescences that 
now clog and distemper their operations ; so that the speaking, 
writing, printing, publishing, and circulating to the public at large, 
reading and use of good and wholesome matter, at least, should 
not be entangled, obstructed, or any way embarrassed, with impu- 
nity. If this was once effectually done, the press would soon ex- 
pel the monsters in human shape, that infest and deform society — 
within at least, this republic. 

Is there indeed, a genuine, independent, able, active and up- 
right republican in our country — one who alike disdains the flatte- 
ry, harness, coaxing and lash of political sycophants and despots 
— one who abhors the idea of men's becoming mere voting ma- 



NEWSPAPERS. 83 

chines — but who boldly and actively supports the cause of truth, 
virtue, justice and human liberty, by precept and example — en- 
couraging and assisting men to think and act for themselves ; is 
there such a man in this country, and particulaaly if known, or 
even suspected of writing for the press, who has not one or more 
spies set upon him, to endeavour, some how or other, to ensnare 
him, and defeat his works and designs, or to watch and report his 
motions, to some of the superintending aristocracy of the coun- 
try. 

Even while penning this, the writer, known of his unyielding 
republicanism, and suspected of his designs, is surrounded by 
spies — some of whom are professedly personal friends ! watching 
eagerly to catch any thing that leaks out, or otherways appears fa- 
vourable to their designs and purposes, to bear the same to their 
masters ! 



Newspapers. 

Newspapers, properly arranged and conducted, are eminently 
calculated to promote the general progress of civilization and hu- 
man improvements, and are of vital importance to an enlightened 
and free people. 

Modern newspapers, afford a living history of the times, replete 
with every useful and interesting intelligence of the season. — 
They not only inform us of the interesting events of our own 
country, but contain a general statement of the most important 
news and subjects of interest throughout the world. This is reg- 
ularly brought to our doors, and in the most cheap, and convenient 
form and manner, for our immediate use and entertainment. 

Newspapers furnish food for the mind, gathered fresh from the 
fields and fountains of intelligence, for our immediate use ; and 
being given in small quantities, at short and regular periods, we 
can employ our leisure moments, without interfering with hours 
of business, in selecting, digesting and committing to memory, 
the contents of one paper, before another arrives. Thus the mind 
receives its food nigh as fresh and regular as the body, and in all 



84 NEWSPAPERS. 

that variety, that is pleasing to the taste, and healthy and substan* 
tial for the mind. 

Like the chief arteries and veins that convey the fluids of vital 
and animal life, to invigorate and sustain all parts of the human 
body ; so newspapers, for the most part, especially where the free- 
dom of the press is not intimidated, cramped or obstructed, are the 
regular and chief conductors, of moral, political, scientific and 
miscellaneous light and intelligence, to animate, strengthen and 
adorn all parts of the body politic. 

Newspapers are admirably fitted to the business, learning, ca- 
pacity, circumstances and situation of every considerable profes- 
sion and class of men in society. Something may generally be 
found intelligent, interesting and useful to all. 

The politician, (and in this country, every man may be said to 
be a politician, in a certain degree,) eagerly grasps a fresh news- 
paper, to read the news of the day or week, as the case may be, 
to see what the busy world are about — how the overgroivn vices of 
the old world manage to keep their half enslaved subjects in awe, 
or subjugation to their will ; how civilization progresses — what 
nation or people have dared to think and act for themselves, and 
who have submitted to be consigned over, or to descend from one 
legitimate master to another, and to be burdened and drove about 
like cattle, without any choice or direction in the men or measures 
that rule them. Perhaps the politician may utter a sigh, for those 
who are unable to emancipate themselves, and a flush of indigna- 
tion towards their oppressors, and glow with sympathetic joy with 
those who have gained a degree of rational light and liberty. — 
The politician takes critical notice of every thing that concerns 
his own state and nation r he reads the messages of executive 
officers ; the legislative debates, (when short, and to the purpose,) 
votes, and measures enacted or proposed, for the public concern ; 
and a few of the most important judicial decisions. He notices 
the transactions of public servants generally, to know who are 
" honest" and " capable" — true to the principles of our republi- 
can creed, and able and faithful in the discharge of their official 
duties, and who are dishonest, or incapable. The substance of 
£hese matters he discusses over freely with his neighbours and fel- 



NEWSPAPERS. 85 

low-men, as convenient opportunities occur ; and finally draws 
important conclusions to enable him to act as an enlightened and 
interested member of the community. 

Merchants and traders, read newspapers with great interest and 
attention, to learn the general state of trade, and its future pros- 
pects — the crops and supplies of domestic and foreign commerce ; 
prospects of war or peace ; new regulations, interruptions, re- 
strictions or encouragements, offered to foreign or domestic trade 
and intercourse ; new fashions, prices, supplies, and many other 
things that concern the fluctuations and fortunes of their present 
and future business and gains. 

Mechanics and manufacturers, derive much useful and impor- 
tant information from newspaper intelligence, relative to improve- 
ments in their respective arts, operations, or branches of business ; 
public discussions and measures, friendly or unfriendly to the pro- 
tection and future encouragement of staple productions of domes- 
tic industry, against ruinous foreign competition ; besides a gen- 
eral knowledge of the new fashions, demands, prices, and sup- 
plies, together with a variety of other intelligence that directly or 
indirectly interests their particular trades or branches of business. 

Farmers, although perhaps generally the least inclined to read 
newspapers, for any thing particularly interesting to their profes- 
sion, yet they have the most important interest in the matter of 
their general contents, of any considerable branch or concern of 
the community. Besides the numerous newspaper accounts rela- 
ting to agricultural and domestic improvements, and their con- 
sequences ; the fluctuations and fortunes of the sasons, crops, or 
particular articles, arising from specified causes ; the general cir- 
cumstances and conditions of the country, concern farmers far 
more than any, and perhaps all other professions together. And 
yet, farmers appear to have the least actual influence with the pub- 
lishers of newspapers, of any considerable profession of men in 
society ; and chiefly, it is probable, because they have the least 
advertising, and political intrigue and juggling, in proportion to 
their numbers. 

For this reason, and on account of a different interest and poli- 
cy, it has been concluded, that it would be unsafe for the farmers 



m NEWSPAPERS. 

and people of the country and small towns generally, to rely upon 
the newspapers and leading politicians of large cities and towns, 
for a lead in politics, and examples of dress, and other customs. 

Emigrants and travellers, regard a fresh newspaper from home, 
or the place of their nativity, or former residence, as an interest- 
ing intelligencer, from which they may learn the most important 
events of the place and its vicinity — the deaths, marriages, and 
extraordinary births ; most of the appointments, and ^appoint- 
ments, to office ; the commencement of new firms, establishments 
or u xdertakings, and the dissolution or alteration of old ones ; the 
most considerable accidents that happen from fire, flood, tornado, 
pestilence, or other natural causes ; robbery, murder, and the like 
acts of human libertines and monsters ; accounts of individuals 
evincing extraordinary virtue, genius, or human excellence ; spe- 
cial causes of public mourning, or rejoicing. In fine, almost eve- 
ry thing indicating a rare occurrence, or any considerable degree 
of good or bad fortune, to the place, or its individual inhabitants. 

The general progress of Christianity, and emancipation from 
human despotism and bondage, which are often moved and great- 
ly facilitated by newspaper accounts, and their original produc- 
tions, excite the gratitude and expanded sympathy and benevo- 
lence of the christian and philanthropist. 

Statesmen survey most of the convulsions and speculations of 
the political world, through the columns of newspapers, and draw 
many of their most valuable conclusions on political science, from 
the progress and result of general experience. 

The philosopher, regards newspapers as a kind of public mir- 
ror, wherein he can review, in calm and deliberate retirement, ma- 
ny of the follies and fortunes of mankind ; note the " march of 
mind," advancing, or halting,* as truth and reason are obscured, 
or overawed, or as mankind have ceased to be afraid of them- 
selves. 

The anxious mariner, learns from newspapers, many of the tides, 
tornadoes, pestilences, and piracies, that await and concern his 

* The march of mind seldom retreats ; for when men have once got in- 
formation, they generally retain it while their senses exist. 

» 



NEWSPAPERS. 87 

profession, and the fate of many a roving companion, in different 
parts of the world. 

The lovers of song or poetry, frequently have their senses rega- 
led with a posey, selected or fresh blown, from the garden of the 
muses. 

Newspapers furnish accounts of the new and useful discoveries 
and improvements, that are perpetually augmenting the general 
comforts and conveniences of life. 

The moral, political, scientific, and other subjects discussed in 
newspapers, by judicious selections, and original productions, are 
often highly interesting and instructive. 

That endless variety and succession of new and interesting 
matter usually conveyed in well regulated and judiciously con- 
ducted newspapers, never cloys the mind ; but generally increas- 
es a taste and appetite for reading and general science, and ultimate- 
ly supplies the place of more expensive, idle and vitiating amuse- 
ments. 

A person who continues to read well conducted newspapers for 
a considerable length of time, and judiciously reflects on the mat- 
ter and subjects of their contents, must naturally possess a tolera- 
ble share of information. 

I hardly know what would induce me to be deprived of my 
newspapers. I might almost as well be cut short of my bread. 

But all newspapers are not of the character and description I 
would approve. 

Some perhaps might be properly considered as the designing 
advocates of office hunters, or instruments of men in power, and 
others migt often be rated as the criers and bell-men of speculators 
and sharpers. Such papers generally strive to give the fairest side 
of their own case, and the foulest side of their adversaries, and 
other-ways (I wont say wise) employ deceptive artifice to disguise 
the principal objects of their intention. They are seldom candid 
and faithful to the people ; who generally want to know the truth 
— the whole truth, and nothing but the truth. 

We should never accustom ourselves to read or hear only one 
side, or trust our opinions to a mere party statement, more espe- 



S8 PUBLIC SENTINEL. 

cially on any subject of importance, for fear of being deceived, and 
ultimately wronged, or rendered ridiculous. 

I have generally made it a rule, on all party subjects, to read 
about an equal quantity of matter from both— to hear both sides, 
fairly, before I drew any positive conclusions, on subjects of any 
considerable magnitude, in regard to either. This, I think, is a 
necessary and fair rule. 

Newspapers have an immense power and influence, in enlight- 
ening and protecting the common people, or in deceiving and rob- 
bing them, just as their managers are inclined. We should be on 
our guard, and endeavour to perceive whom they are endeavouring 
to serve, the many, or the few at the expense and injury of the 
many. 



Public Sentinel. 

The general character, qualifications and importance, of an 
able and faithful public sentinel, does not appear to be sufficient- 
ly understood and regarded. 

In the first place, a public sentinel, should be, a man of first 
rate talents, possessed of considerable experience, and a good 
stock of general information — of unquestionable honesty, and at- 
tachment to the principles of moral and political justice — endow- 
ed with an active, penetrating, capacious, retentive and independ- 
ent mind, never to be bought with an office or other bribe, nor to 
be intimidated or terrified out of his duty, but always attentive and 
steady to his purposes, the public good, the present and future 
prosperity and glory of mankind. Stationed, as it were, upon an 
eminence far above the common level, diligently watching and 
surveying all around him, beginning at his own immediate vicini- 
ty and extending his views as time and opportunity indulge, warn- 
ing his patrons, in particular, and the public in general, of the 
treachery, negligence, or inability of their public servants, and of 
other dangers and encroachments upon their common rights and 
liberties. 

A faithful public sentinel, should especially examine and report 



PUBLIC SENTINEL. 89 

with freedom and candor, the general character, qualifications, 
and fitness of men offered for public services of considerable trust 
and importance. He should test the general principles and sound- 
ness of public measures, and the policy and conduct of public 
servants. As time and opportunity would justify and indulge, he 
should endeavour to illustrate the true sources of public enter- 
prise, wealth, prosperity and glory. 

In short, the duties of a public sentinel are immense, and de- 
servedly rate those who perform the task with ability and fidelity 
to the public good, among the most worthy friends and promoters 
of common justice and humanity. There are but few if any ser- 
vices rendered to society, of comparative merit and importance. 

There is a most important and indispensible duty, which every 
true and consistent friend of justice and humanity, owes to him- 
self and society, in such cases ; and which mainly consists in re- 
warding, liberally, and punctually, those who perform the duties 
of faithful public sentinels, and in supporting them promptly and 
manfully in the performance of their duties. Indeed, men who 
conduct so stupidly, or basely, as to neglect, or rob, those who 
faithfully investigate and promote the public good, (especially 
those brave and indefatigable men who constantly expose them- 
selves to the enemy, as it were, upon the very pinnacle of public 
danger,) ought to be deprived of their liberty— -at least until they 
return to a proper sense of their duty. 

But I fear there will be but few such sentinels found mounted 
upon the high ramparts of the republic — hardly enough to be 
within hail of each other. 

The editor or conductor of a common public newspaper, is not 
entitled to the name of a public sentinel, in the way I estimate 
them. Some papers are chiefly the repeaters or echoes of what 
others have wrote or sounded — although they often contain judi- 
cious selections of matter, and are useful vehicles of public intel- 
ligence ; and most of those who devote the chief part of their 
time and attention to select, write and arrange matter for their pa- 
pers, are not deserving of the name of public sentinels, in the 
sense I view them. A public sentinel, or rather a republican sen- 
tinel, stands on an eminence as much above the editor or conduct- 



90 PUBLIC SENTINELS. 

or of a common newspaper, in point of honor, respectability and 
importance to the community, as the chief magistrate is above 
the lowest public servant. 

The conductors of our newspapers and other publications, are 
too often the slaves of some narrow prejudices, or crooked policy, 
or the mere creatures and tools of office hunters, or men in power. 

Some editors are blustering and struggling to puff or juggle 
themselves into office ; — perhaps the last resort of some young, or 
hopeless pettifogger, who had hardly learned to go alone, or who 
had not talents or weight of character, sufficient to get a living by 
the wits and extraordinary indulgences of his profession. Such 
characters sometimes set themselves up as public guides — as arbi- 
ters of human destiny — a sort of political wizards, who profess to 
know the peoples' thoughts — who they prefer for office, and who 
not, better in fact than the people themselves ! 

Any person, however deficient in qualifications, or evilly dispo- 
sed, may, in this country, establish and conduct a newspaper, or 
other publication, and act professionally as public guide and in- 
structor. 

There are indeed many such characters already engaged in our 
country, who appear studiously intent on deceiving the people — 
labouring, ultimately to mislead the public inquiries, and the in- 
genuity, enterprise and energies of our citizens, in almost every 
thing that concerns our present and future independence, pros- 
perity, happiness and true glory. 

Some at least of those individuals, and their efforts and designs, 
deserve marking. 

A public editor may be a public impostor. 

Sometimes our newspaper establishments are secretly owned and 
conducted, or some how controlled by one or a number of indi- 
viduals for the purpose of advocating and managing in disguise, 
their own private interests and designs. Such papers or publica- 
tions are frequently given away, or furnished without any hopes or 
prospects of direct pay, to a certain description of ignorant or un- 
suspicious readers, for the purpose of influencing and managing 
them for the benefit of the individuals concerned. 

I could here state a number of curious facts in regard to such 
transactions, if it were not too minute and personal for the gene- 



PUBLIC SENTINEL. 91 

ral purposes of my remarks. I should hardly believe, however, that 
the readers of such papers or publications, generally, if they knew 
their character and designs, and reflected on the consequences, 
would consent to be thus stuffed and tutored for the use and con- 
venience of hypocrites and jugglers behind a screen. Indeed, I 
should be ashamed to be seen in possession of such a paper or 
publication, for fear of being considered one of the fools or pup- 
pets of the concern. I should much rather choose my own books, 
papers and publications, and pay for them, like a free man. 

It is totally inconsistent with the character of a virtuous, en- 
lightened and free people, to entrust their dearest rights and con- 
cerns, to the chief management and control of men, whose very 
professions often interest them in involving every moral and politi- 
cal truth in mystery and uncertainty, in order to increase and pro- 
long their own private influence and gains. 

When a man acts professionally as a public sentinel, he is hon- 
orably bound to be true and faithful to the general interests and 
concerns of his patrons, and cannot abandon or betray his trust 
on slight grounds. Neither can he assume to himself the airs of 
a dictator : although he may rightfully express his own views and 
opinions, on subjects of public interest and concern, with freedom 
and candor, as such. But his publication should endeavor to con- 
vey the concentrated sentiments and opinions of the people, and 
be mainly their organ and public guide. 

Every editor of a public print, should keep the confidence of his 
correspondents, for all justifiable and honorable purposes, with the 
most inviolable secrecy and caution. Unless this part of his duty 
is complied with, an editor is not worthy of his station. 

A public sentinel should find his account for his labors, in the 
amount received for his paper. If a publication will not thus sup- 
port itself it ought to be abandoned. 

When a public sentinel becomes an office seeker, he forfeits the 
public confidence in his candor and independence ; and generally 
becomes a flatterer of the vanities, and concealer of the errors of 
the popular mass, in order to gain a momentary triumph over them 
— instead of enlightening the people truly, and warning them 



92 PUBLIC SENTINEL. 

against hypocrites and public impostors, as a faithful public sen- 
tinel. 

A man who will compromise his principles for an office, is al- 
ways ready for a bribe. 

Discussions of the principles and measures of government ; the 
morals of society : and every thing, in fine, that concerns the pub- 
lic in general, should be conducted with a degree of independ- 
ence, candor and fairness, becoming the dignity and importance 
of the general concern. Indeed, no man should ever, with impu- 
nity, be permitted to trifle with the public. The majesty of a 
million of sovereign people, should command at least as much 
respect as that phantom of human greatness, commonly called a 
king, emperor, or sovereign prince. 

Many of our editors and publishers are so miserably poor and 
dependant, in their pecuniary circumstances and supplies, as to be 
unable to act with any degree of firmness, candor and ability be- 
coming a PUBLIC SENTINEL. 

In order to enable a public sentinel to act with necessary inde- 
pendence and steadiness of purpose, his pay should be somehow 
secured to him, and not left dependant on the carelessness, extreme 
poverty or knavery of whoever might apply for the publication. 
Perhaps a subscription scattered throughout a state, or nation, 
that would hardly pay for insurance and collection, is left for his 
reward, in the common way. 

Every honest and prudent man, who duly considers the subject, 
and calculates the advantages secured to himself, and to the com- 
munity, by the practice, would certainly prefer paying in advance, 
in such cases — and especially when there was ample responsibility 
pledged, (as there always should be,) for the faithful performance, 
on the part of the publisher, or a prompt return of the funds. 
Only the difference that might be afforded in the price of a paper 
or publication of the kind, would make a saving of importance, 
to all who ever calculate to pay. 

The editors and publishers of our newspapers and other publi- 
cations, have an immense power and influence in forming and 
regulating our moral and political principles, habits, and general 
character. We should therefore always be extremely thoughtful 



EDUCATION AND INSTRUCTION OF THE PEOPLE. 93 

of whom we patronize and encourage in such undertakings — see 
that we are not in fact practising treason against society, by afford- 
ing aid and comfort to the enemy of truth, and human prosperity. 

If the people of the United States will duly encourage and sup- 
port, those who ably and faithfully investigate, point out and vin- 
dicate the public good — whatever concerns the general peace, se- 
curity, intelligence, prosperity and happiness of the community, 
our future task will be easy, and the burden light. One man may 
display the light of his knowledge and discernment, for the bene- 
fit of thousands and millions. 

There is a mutual obligation between a public sentinel and his 
patrons, which ought never to be lost sight of — He is in duty 
bound to serve them, as a faithful public sentinel — to spy out the 
enemy at a distance, and give the necessary alarm or information 
— to dart his eagle eyes over their extensive and numerous public 
concerns, while they are busily engaged with their daily labours 
and private cares, and warn them of the existence, or approach of, 
public evils : and they are not only bound to reward him, punctu- 
ally and honorably, but to support him, promptly and manfully, in 
the performance of his duty. And last of all, to honour him as a 
public benefactor, if he finally proves to deserve the gratitude of 
his fellow-beings. 



Education and Instruction of the People. 

Among the immense mass of literary and other matter that cir- 
culates in this country, in the form of books, magazines, &c. there 
is scarcely one thousandth part that is well calculated to improve 
the education, intelligence and actual condition of the people. 

Some think our college learned men, (who generally contrive to 
control, directly and indirectly, most of the sources of education 
and learning,) do not desire to have the people better or more 
suitably educated and instructed, lest they should no longer be 
able to lead and drive them : others impute the evil, in a great 
measure, to the want of adequate and efficient protection to the 
rights of American authors of useful books and publications — 



94 A FEW WORDS OF ADVICE 

that, as our laws concerning copy rights, are now miserably defec- 
tive, trifled with and evaded, no prudent man would hazard any 
considerable labour and expense on an original work or publica- 
tion — however valuable, and however much they are needed by 
the people. 

It is certainly feared that many, if not most of those who have 
the chief hand in making and administering our national laws, 
from habit, inclination, interest and policy, feel opposed to the 
genuine republicanism of our country — and that they finally study 
to promote the interests of the few, to the neglect, embarrassment 
and injury of the many. 

This is a serious matter, and loudly. demands the attention of 
every true and consistent republican of our country. It is indeed 
affirmed as the solemn conviction of some, that in many of our 
cities, towns and other considerable districts of country, a major- 
ity of the inhabitants, and altogether the most productive, efficient 
and worthy members of society, have but little more political influ- 
ence, than so many cattle or machines ; that lawyers, and a few 
of their particular interest, policy, feelings and designs, claim and 
exercise the chief rule — a kind of political — inquisitorial — 

SOVEREIGNTY. 

If the people had a proper and sufficient republican education, 
and were suitably instructed on their several interests and public 
concerns, these things would soon be altered, and the wolves and 
vultures of society, would no longer be able to rule, and to prey 
upon the industry, virtue and best interests of the community ; 
but the general good would be studiously sought for, and substan- 
tially promoted — virtue, industry and public usefulness would be 
protected, encouraged, and truly honoured, and indolence and 
treachery punished, discouraged and finally put down. 



A few words of Advice to Freemen and Republican Electors. 

It is not necessary, or expedient, in general, to have many 
words with those who have forfeited our trust and confidence as 



TO FREEMEN AND REPUBLICAN ELECTORS. 95 

public servants, by violating the proper business of their appoint- 
ment, or any way betraying, or trifling with, the public concern — 
until at least some efficient method of bringing them to justice, 
like other offenders, shall have been effected. 

To be true to ourselves, and act as intelligent, interested and 
consistent members of the community, we should always endeav- 
our to select for public servants, those whom we know to be honest, 
and capable, and devoted to the general principles of human rights 
and improvement ; and particularly those who participate in the 
common interests and welfare of society. We certainly never 
should entrust with the public authority and concern, those who, 
professionally or otherways subsist or enrich themselves upon the 
spoils of human virtue, industry and merit — the very wolves and 
vultures of society ! 

It may have been very readily foreseen, that unprincipled and 
designing men, generally, whether professionally or otherways in- 
terested against the peoples' best good — seeing their craft detected 
and their policy and influence declining, would endeavour to pro- 
mote to office and popularity, their particular friends, or depend- 
ents, and those who were secretly or otherways interested, or 
pledged to the support of their views — that they may thus rule in 
disguise, until some turn or circumstance might bring them back 
again into open and undisguised authority. It would also be fair 
to presume, that those of this craft and policy, would conspire, 
with every little artifice and cunning in their power, secretly or 
openly to hinder the popularity and elevation of men who are 
known to be opposed to their conduct and policy. Nothing is 
more probable than, that unprincipled and designing lawyers, and 
their confederates in interest and policy, with their spies, tale-bear- 
ers, false witnesses and undertakers, will labor to hunt down the 
actual and best friends of the people. Indeed, the warfare has 
long been going on, and in many instances with an effrontery and 
appearance of design, too glaring and detestable to be doubted or 
neglected, a moment longer. 

To govern, and not be governed, is the common trade, interest 
and policy, of unprincipled and aspiring individuals, and combi- 
nations of men — whether as lawyers, priests, aristocracies, or those 



96 A FEW WORDS OF ADVICE 

trained up as sovereign princes — although they exercise different 
powers, and contend for different privileges. 

The members of our national legislature — representatives in 
congress, are one, to forty or fifty thousand inhabitants, and gen- 
erally differ widely from the common people, in their circumstan- 
ces, interests and feelings ; and consequently, they seldom truly 
represent the people. Some, busy themselves while in office, in 
seeking undue privileges and advantages for themselves, families, 
friends, dependents, or confederates in policy, over their constitu- 
ents and fellow-men. Our United States senators, exist upon a far 
more aristocratic scale, as to numbers, being one from about forty 
thousand, to upwards of eight hundred thousand ! 

The representatives in our state legislatures, including the sen- 
ates or upper houses, are probably one to, from five hundred, to one 
hundred and ninety thousand inhabitants ! and are proportionably 
subject to the same inequality of general circumstances, interests 
and feelings. 

Send one of our plain substantial citizens to congress, or to 
some of our state legislatures, a few years, and quite likely he 
would contract a kind of hankering after higher power, and more 
perquisites and privileges of office. These matters we should al- 
ways bear in mind, when delegating authority, and when review- 
ing the conduct of public servants. 

Our town or freemen's meetings — where the people meet and 
act for themselves, are by far the most important sources of public 
expression, intelligence and authority. And here we might act 
much more intelligently, extensively and effectually, than we now 
do, for our general good, if the public business and proceedings 
were properly systemized, arranged, understood, and prepared for, 
in season. 

If the public business was properly prepared for, and seasona- 
bly made known, discussed or understood, so as to enable the free- 
men or electors to come forward duly prepared to act, in cases 
that required their attention and decision, one day's meeting in a 
year might generally be sufficient for all common purposes. This 
would render town meetings, or primary assemblages of the peo- 
ple, freemen or electors, sufficiently interesting and important to 
gain their prompt and general attention. 



TO FREEMEN AND REPUBLICAN ELECTORS. 97 

We should never delegate authority to others, which we can 
conveniently and effectually perform ourselves. As every unne- 
cessary or injudicious relinquishment of authority, has a general 
tendency to diminish the liberty, influence and power, of those 
who give it, and to increase the power and influence of those who 
receive it. 

The people are the true, just and only sovereigns of this coun- 
try, to whom all public power and authority, of right belongs ; 
and who always have a right to make, alter, or amend the supreme 
law of the land — our public constitutions ; and without ever ob- 
taining leave or permission of public servants ! 

In strict republican justice, every good and efficient citizen — 
after they have come of age, or arrived at common manhood, and 
while they contribute specifically and essentially to the support 
and defence of the country, are entitled to a voice in the public 
concerns, as good, intelligent and interested members of the com- 
munity, or great family concern. 

Interest, and not principle, chiefly govern and control the ac- 
tions of those who rule mankind. 

The French revolution soon produced a more powerful monarchy 
and aristocracy, than the one it had upset ; and which was chief- 
ly owing to the lack of honesty in the leaders. 

An unusual share of hypocrisy and impudence, seems to be the 
leading points of character, of many who are studiously pushing 
themselves forward, in our time and country, by nominating and 
electioneering machinery ; and generally with a design and intent 
to rule, as far as possible, appointments to inferior offices, so as to 
extend their influence and control. 

We see leaders, here among us, professedly devoted to the com- 
mon interests and best good of the people, turning out one set of 
men in power, pretendedly to correct their errors and abuses of 
public confidence and authority, but really to obtain their places and 
practice essentially the same, or worse, under some hypocritical 
difference, or quibbling pretence. 

It should be remarked, and constantly bore in mind — as a 
branch of human policy and cunning ; that, soon after our politi- 
cal revolution of ; 98, had been established, many of the most de- 

13 



98 VIRTUOUS AND WISE POLICY, No. 1. 

termined and influential democrats, were courted — urged to send 
their sons to college ; have them enter into the study and practice 
of law ; engage or become interested in foreign commerce and 
trade, and otherways wed and tie themselves and families to the 
habits, interests and ultimate policy of the old aristocracy of the 
country ! 

A similar courtship was commenced soon after the termination 
of the revolutionary, and late war ! 

We should denounce, and indignantly dismiss from office, sup- 
port and encouragement, whoever attempts to deceive the people, 
or any way violate, or trifle with, the public interest and concern. 
The majesty of a million of freemen, ought not to be trifled with. 

If the freemen of the United States, will only be thoughtful of 
what papers or publications they read, encourage and support, and 
be careful how they vote, their actual and best good may be soon 
accomplished, and at the cheapest and best rate. 

Come to the resolution, at once, that you will not support, nor 
encourage, those who do not conduct themselves faithfully to 
the general and best good of the people, and the work is done. 



Virtuous and Wise Policy. No. 1. 

To prevent the origin of natural, moral, and political evil, is far 
more important than to devise remedies. 

To avoid the infirmities and diseases that are inclined to afflict 
the human body, by well timed and appropriate precautions, is 
better than to neglect their origin and rely upon remedies or means 
of cure. 

To prevent the commission of criminal and other offences 
against the laws and good of society, by a seasonable and judi- 
cious education, and means of restraint, is of much greater im- 
portance, both in a moral and political point of view, than to neg- 
lect their origin and depend chiefly upon modes of conviction, pun- 
ishment and reformation. 

To prevent the origin and existence of human poverty, degra- 



VIRTUOUS AND WISE POLICY, No. 1. 99 

dation and misery, by seasonably promoting the best means to in- 
duce, and enable mankind, to take timely and proper care in pro- 
viding for themselves, is infinitely better, than to neglect the cause 
of human vagrancy and want, and then provide bountifully for then- 
support and accommodation. 

Perhaps a doctor might entertain objections to this course of 
policy and conduct — and say that, if he were actually to employ 
his best advice and assistance, to enable mankind to avoid debility, 
disease and ill health, as much as possible — teach them, in plain 
practical language, to understand the cause and nature of their 
complaints, and the best remedies within their common means ; 
he might, by so doing, not only lose his time and trouble, in a 
measure, but would be pretty sure to curtail the sources of his fu- 
ture professional business and gains, in proportion to his success 
in the undertaking. It is true, all the precautions in the power 
of human wisdom, could not prevent the final destruction of human 
life ; yet a reasonable and wise attention to the best means of pre- 
serving health, and avoiding every possible infirmity and disease ; 
and of understanding them, and managing the remedies within 
our common control, would greatly abridge the business and ulti- 
mate profits of the physician. 

Perhaps a lawyer, too, might object, and say that, if those of 
his profession were to employ the best means in their power to pre- 
vent the excitement and commission of criminal and other offen- 
ces, against the laws and general good of society, they might no 
doubt diminish the evil to one fourth, and perhaps to one eighth of 
its present magnitude ; but then, by so doing, they would decrease 
the usual profits and sources of their professional business, power 
and influence, in a like proportion. 

The rich, haughty and overbearing aristocrat, compares his sit- 
uation with the ignorant, the poor and needy about him, and feels 
a proportionate consequence and exultation by the contrast. 

Extreme poverty and dependence, humbles, and ultimately en- 
slaves, those, who, in this free country, might otherwise enjoy a 
degree of freedom and political equality. Ignorance, depravity of 
character, and extreme poverty or dependence, disqualifies men 



100 VIRTUOUS AND WISE POLICY, No. 1. 

for self-government, and forms an excuse for the establishment and 
exercise of arbitrary restrictions upon human liberties. 

The pride, and policy, of the haughty and overbearing aristo- 
crat, is pampered and indulged by every additional burden, calam- 
ity and degradation, suffered by the common people. Every thing, 
in fine, that has a tendency to diminish the general intelligence, 
virtue, competence and self-dependance of the common people, ul- 
timately subverts our liberty and independence, to arbitrary and 
overbearing ruthorities. 

We can perceive, by the examples of the old world, that every 
additional burden and affliction, heaped directly or indirectly upon 
the common people, reduces them to dependance for employment, 
and support, upon the wealthy and powerful. 

Ignorance, depravity of character, and want, among the com- 
mon people of the old world, seems to justify, in a measure, their 
strong measures of government, or the imposition of uncondition- 
al control. 

Hence every good member of society who desires the progress 
of virtue, liberty and human happiness, should employ every rea- 
sonable means in his power, to promote the most effectual preven- 
tatives to natural, moral and political evils. 

The choice of healthy countries, situations and employments, 
should be regarded ; early and judicious instruction and habits of 
industry, virtue and self-defendance, should be inculcated and en- 
couraged, by all who desire the perpetuation and prosperity of this 
republican community. 

Indiscriminate imprisonment for debt, wherever individuals are 
found destitute of property, without first having an investigation 
of their general circumstances and conduct, and ascertaining the 
reality and cause of their embarrassment, confounds rogues and 
honest men in one common result, and absolutely encourages knave- 
ry, and discourages honesty and fair dealing. 

If a man has lost his property or been deprived of the means of 
paying his debts, by actual and unforeseen misfortunes, it might 
be unjust and impolitic to imprison his body — in some instances 
it would be absolutely barbarous ; but if an individual has stupid- 
ly spent his time in indolence, or wantonly squandered his proper- 



VIRTUOUS AND WISE POLICY, No. I. 101 

ty in profligate habits, or basely lost the property trusted to him, 
in heedless or hazardous speculations, he actually deserves some 
panishment, for the offence. 

Never shut a man up and maintain him at the expense of the 
public, or individuals ; but provide him with work or means to 
support himself, if able to work ; and let his punishment be meas- 
ured ancording to the nature and magnitude of his offence. 

Indiscriminate relief to all who solicit alms, or claim support as 
public paupers, without first ascertaining the reality of their con- 
dition, and the cause of their want or inability to support them- 
selves, confounds impostors with real objects of charity ; and ul- 
timately encourages indolence, vagrancy and fraud, and discoura- 
ges virtue, industry and self-dependence. 

When people ask charity, or claim support as common paupers, 
it should first be ascertained that they were unable to support 
themselves, and otherwise deserving of our charity, before their 
requests should be granted. It is often an unpleasant task to in- 
quire and ascertain the real character and condition of those who 
solicit our charities and indulgences, but it is a duty we owe to 
ourselves and society ; and those who perform this duty, with can- 
dor and ability, often do, for the present and future good of socie- 
ty, more, by far, than those who indiscriminately bestow immense 
indulgences and charitable donations, for the benefit of pretended 
objects of charity. 

By establishing a general rule for distinguishing between honest 
men and rogues, before we act definitely in regard to either, would 
produce an excellent effect on the habits and morals of society, by 
encouraging people to be honest and industrious, in order to be 
entitled to our sympathies and indulgences, and denying or pun- 
ishing them for a contrary course of conduct. 

Every plan, effort or undertaking, judiciously calculated to pre- 
vent human want and misery, are more entitled to the approbation, 
support and gratitude of mankind, than the most liberal efforts 
and bounties in relief. 

One preventive is worth ten cures. 



102 VIRTUOUS AND WISE POLICY. No. 2. 

If you would have vagrancy and want, only encourage them 
with a liberal bounty or indulgence. 

People who have idled away their time, or wasted their proper- 
ty, ought to suffer, as a matter of justice to themselves, and as a 
warning to others. Why then should our sympathies be indulged 
at the sight of poverty or want, before we know whether they 
were the just punishment of vice and folly, or the result of real 
accidents and unforeseen causes. 

Many of our poor-house establishments and other charitable 
appropriations, might be properly entitled schools of human de- 
gradation, want and misery, with comfortable accommodations 
for all who despise habits of care, industry, temperance, economy 
and self-dependence. 

Want begets want, and misery begets misery. 

Indolence and poverty loose their disgrace and terrors, by gen- 
eral sympathy and increase of numbers. 

Men won't work, when they can obtain, even a miserable sub- 
sistence, by begging. 

Mankind will naturally cease to exert themselves in making pro- 
vision for their own future wants and accommodation, in propor- 
tion as they see others making those provisions for them. 



Virtuous and Wise Policy. No. 2. 

There should be a specific and appropriate bounty, established 
bylaw, for the detection and final apprehension of those who com- 
mit capital offences, against the laws and good order of society, 
especially when they attempt to escape, or conceal their offences : 
so that any person might pursue suspicious circumstances or indi- 
viduals, sure of receiving a certain reward, in case they finally 
succeed in detecting or bringing into the hands of public authori- 
ty, a capital offender. 

There ought also to be a suitable and permanent encourage- 
ment held out to induce individuals to lead evil designers into the 
hands of justice, when plotting their schemes of villainy ; and al- 



VIRTUOUS AND WISE POLICY. No. 2. 103 

so for inducing offenders to bring each other out. This will no 
doubt meet the disapprobation of rogues or unprincipled men gen- 
erally, and especially those who expect great gains from the multi- 
plicity of trials for criminal and other offences. However, if this 
plan or policy is judiciously managed, conspiracies for base purpo- 
ses would nighly cease, from the jealousies that would naturally be 
excited between evil minded individuals, and especially increasing 
the danger of commencing a plot, and of finally committing the 
overt act. 

Those who administer the laws, and particularly judges, law- 
yers, and sheriffs, should always be bound, by their oaths, and ev- 
ery other obligation and consideration of principle and duty, to 
convict and punish offenders, whenever the laws will permit.-— 
Not to connive at their final escape, after securing their own fees 
and profits of a trial — that they may excite, rather than restrain, 
evil passions, and thereby increase their own future business and 
gains, by the multiplication of criminal and other offences, and 
by prolonging a tedious, expensive and uncertain process of trial. 
A similar craft, in some measure, to that manifested by the rat- 
catchers — a profession of men in Liverpool, who, after they have 
cleared a ship of rats, by contract, (they take them alive in a large 
sack, by some bait or artifice peculiar to their business,) they re- 
fuse to kill them, but take them on to the wharf and let them 
loose — well knowing that the rats will soon be on board of some 
vessel, and that some of their craft will probably have the job of 
catching them again, and again ! It may be observed, however, 
that the rat-catchers only sport with the petty depredation of 
brutes, for their own peculiar benefit ; but those who study to ef- 
fect the escape, and multiplication of criminal and other offend- 
ers, for their own peculiar ends, not only trifle with the human 
character in a most infamous manner, but set the whole good of 
civil society at defiance, to increase their own private gains ! 

The certainty of punishment, is the greatest terror to rogues or 
persons dishonestly inclined, and its uncertainty, is their greatest 
hope and encouragement. This fact should never be lost sight of, 
by those who wish to promote the good of society. 

Some of our State prisons might be appropriately styled schools 



104 ESTABLISHED RATE OF INTEREST 

of human degradation and villainy, with comfortable accommoda- 
tions for all who despise voluntary labor, and the rights and good 
of their fellow-beings. 

Some, who have taken their second and third degrees in these 
schools of infamy and corruption, might properly be entitled mas- 
ters and doctors of villainy ! 



Established Rate of Interest for the Use of Money. 

Our laws, regulating the rate of interest for the use of money, 
are neither consistent with justice, nor good policy. 

Nothing proves more generally true, than that, laws imposing 
unjust, or unnecessary restrictions upon the common transactions 
of society, excite both disrespect for the laws, and evasions of 
their final penalty. Suppose there should be laws regulating the 
-price of labour, or of any particular article of produce, manu- 
factures, or merchandize, without any regard to the scarcity or de- 
mand for the same — the quantity contemplated, or the terms of 
payment — we should certainly consider them as unjust and unne- 
cessary regulations. This is precisely the case with the laws reg- 
ulating the rate of interest for the use of money. 

One man wants to borrow, only 5 or 20 dollars, another 50 or 
100, and others 1000, to 10,000, or more ; one wants the money 
for only 10, 30, or 60 days, another for six months, or a year, and 
others for 5 or 10 years, or upwards ; one pledges the most sure 
property for the final payment of the money, another gives a good 
endorser, and others have no other security than their own names, 
and those often precarious. Now it would appear absurd to sup- 
pose that a man should be obliged to take precisely the same rate 
of interest, for all these different hazards and accommodations. — 
The interest would not more than pay him for transacting the bu- 
siness, of taking security, inspecting and counting the money out, 
and back, in cases of small sums and short loans ; and in others, 
the interest would not more than pay a fair premium for hazarding 
the credit ; and if the money was loaned on short terms, it must 
be on hand a considerable part of the time, so that a man might 



FOR THE USE OF MONEY. 105 

not have his money actually out at interest, more than half the 
time, or six months in a year. 

This restriction upon the receipt of interest, induces people to 
evade the provisions of the law ; but, as there is a risk of being 
detected, and of losing the whole sum, the hazard must be made 
up by the borrower, in an addition to what would be otherwise sat- 
isfactory. 

The loss ultimately falls chiefly upon a class of people who are 
the least able to bear it, and the gain generally goes to enrich a 
set of hard and crooked sharpers, who have already become dan- 
gerous to the well-being of the community. 

These are not all the evil consequences resulting from regula- 
ting the rate of interest. It occasions an immense number of law 
suits, and sacrifices of property. When money is scarce, and the 
use of it is worth considerable more than the rate of legal interest, 
many will enforce the collection of monies due them, merely to in- 
vest it more profitably ; others take such times to exercise a kind 
of despotism over their fellow men, and oppress them, or compel 
them to sacrifice property, that they may take the advantage of it. 
Yet in most cases the suits and sacrifices would both be avoided, if 
men were permitted to come into a fair competition for the use 
of money, and to take a just rate of interest. 

The rate of interest for the use of money, should be left a free 
matter of contract. If individuals are disposed to make foolish 
bargains, there is a variety of other ways for them to do it in, be- 
sides borrowing money at more than legal interest — which, in fact, 
the laws do not prevent. 

As the case now is, the laws regulating the rate of interest for 
the use of money, cause numerous sacrifices and embarrassments, 
to the ultimate injury of a worthy class of people, and chiefly for 
the benefit of lawyers, sheriffs, and sharpers. 

There might be a certain rate of interest established by law, in 
all cases where it was not defined, by written contract ; and per- 
haps some bounds might be set above what it should not go ; and 
contracts defining the rate of interest, might be specially witness^- 
ed with an attested knowledge of the contract. 

14 



106 REMARKS ON TAXATION. 

I could produce a volume of evidence and arguments in support 
of this subject ; but perhaps what has already been said, may be 
sufficient. 



Remarks on Taxation. 

Visible property and privileges, are the only just, and wise, or 
consistent subjects of taxation. 

That which is not visible or tangible, is imaginary, as a proper- 
ty, or the representative of something that is real, and a» it respects 
a state or nation at large, it is generally useless, as it must be 
based in something that is a real property of itself. 

Notes, bonds, or obligations for the payment of money, are 
promises , which are only valuable as they are founded in something 
that is real, and available as a property — something that has an 
intrinsic value in itself — which is of itself, subject to taxes. — 
Hence, if you tax both the real property, and the promise which is 
founded in it, you ultimately subject the holder of the real prop- 
erty, thus situated, to an undue proportion of taxes ; for every pru- 
dent and calculating money lender, generally estimates the nett 
per centage of interest that would be satisfactory for the use of 
his money, and then adds the probable amount of taxes, risks, 
troubles and expenses, or some how includes the same in the con- 
tract and final obligation : so that the borrower is, at last, saddled 
with every thing that operates as a burden on money at interest. 

Suppose a township, or district of country, the inhabitants of 
which hold a million dollars worth of real property, subject to tax- 
ation, and owe half a million dollars borrowed money, for which 
the holders of their obligations are taxed — in such case, they pay 
taxes for treble the amount of property they are actually worth — 
that is, the holders of the real property, are actually worth but half 
a million, over and above what they owe, and yet have finally to pay 
the amount of taxes that occurs on one million and a half — 
three times the amount of what they are worth ! 

Or, to show the subject upon a smaller scale. Suppose a man in 



REMARKS ON TAXATION. 107 

possessisn of ten thousand dollars worth of visible property, sub- 
ject to taxes, which is pledged for the final payment of five thou- 
sand dollars — he would then have to pay the taxes that actually 
occur on fifteen thousand, although in fact, he is worth but five 
thousand. 

A law requiring every man to give an account of his private 
loans, is considered so unjust and absurd, that but few people will 
comply with it. 

Burdening money at interest, is like taxing promises, or an im- 
aginary property, and ultimately placing an undue proportion of 
taxes on those who employ borrowed capital. It is much worse, 
for every attempt to tax the holders of promises for money loaned, 
operates in the end, as a tax on industry and honesty, for the en- 
couragement and final support of indolence and dishonesty. 

Every thing in fact, that subjects borrowed money to an unne- 
cessary expense, hazard, quibble or delay in collection, operates as 
a final burden on the industry and integrity of the country, and 
for the encouragement and support of indolence and knavery. 

Real property, is located and distributed with a degree of per- 
manence and equality, throughout a state or country ; but promis- 
es for the payment of money, are generally as fluctuating in the 
place of their existence, and nighly as uncertain in their final 
value, as the faith and fortune of traders and speculation. 

If it were just and reasonable, to tax money at all, the burden 
and penalty should be fixed on those, who hoard up the actual 
treasure of a country, and stop its circulation and public useful" 
ness. But never tax those, who lend their money on just and hon- 
ourable conditions, for promoting the useful industry and business 
of the country. 

Every attempt to tax, or jeopardise money at interest, induces 
people to hoard up, or make concealments of their funds, or to 
send the active capital out of the state or country, to avoid unrea- 
sonable hazards and burden ; and this too, often to the great inju- 
ry of the taxing, or jeopardizing state or country. 

The title to real estate, should be rendered as plain and sure as 
possible ; and the pledging of it, for the final security of money,, 
should be divested of every unnecessary litigation, hazard and ex- 



103 POLITICAL KNOWLEDGE 

pense ; as in such cases, it enables the owners, whenever they 
need, to borrow money on the best terms ; and generally with the 
least final risk to themselves, for when a man of good property or 
responsibility, obtains an endorser, as security for the final condi- 
tions or payment of his note, by endorsing in return, he thereby 
assumes a risk for others, that, in this case, would be entirely 
avoided. 

By taxing the vices, and follies or extravagances of mankind, 
has a double tendency to improve the condition of society ; as in 
the first place, it discourages and corrects the excesses so taxed, 
and at the same time produces a fund out of those who transgress, 
for the ultimate correction and support of their own unruly or 
helpless victims. Thereby relieving the better part of communi- 
ty from the troubles and expense, resulting from intemperance. 

If only the tavern, and store-keepers, or those who retail ar- 
dent spirits and other intoxicating liquors, were subject to a rea- 
sonable and proportionable tax, for their licences or privilege of 
retailing, it would raise a fund for the future correction and sup- 
port, of their own unruly or helpless victims. 



Political Knowledge. 

The people of the United Sates, have probably had more polit- 
ical light a d experience, than all the world besides ; for, in the 
first place, the population of this country, are, in a greater or less 
degree, made up of emigrants from almost every other place or 
country, who generally bring along with them more or less infor- 
mation in regard to the laws, customs, and political institutions of 
their own native country ; and history hands down to us, all that 
was thought worth recording of the different governments, down to 
the present time. Besides, our own experience, in all our different 
state sovereignties, and national concerns ; through all our changes, 
and extremes, of war, and peace, oppression, and liberty, adver- 
sity and prosperity, together with the general freedom of discus- 
sion established in this country, gives us far greater means of pos- 



BRIEF CONTRAST, &c. 109 

sessing correct and extensive political knowledge, than the people 
of any other nation or country. 

We began the world anew, as it were, and employed all the light 
and experience of foreign countries, and former times, in aid of 
our own judgment, in making experiments in the science of govern- 
ment. While the people of other countries, hardly dare think on 
the subject of politics, for fear of bringing their own shackles and 
wounds to bear more grievously. 

In this country, every individual of the community,in general, are 
interested in the government, and every sensible and good man 
feels more or less disposed to aid in the adoption of the wisest and 
best measures for the general good. 

Having actually carried into effect and demonstrated the great- 
est improvements in government, of any other nation or people ; 
our care and attention should be rigidly directed to detect, and 
eradicate from our systems, and habits, whatever remains of king- 
craft, or the plagues of monarchy ; and studiously to avoid every 
thing of the kind in future, in our civil policy, measures of gov- 
ernment, education, customs and habits of life. 



A Brief Contrast between some of the Leading Particulars of 
Monarchy and Republicanism. 

Monarchy, has a tendency to enrich, embellish ar ^ aggrandize, 
the metropolis or chief residence of the sovereign an<i his court, 
to the neglect, impoverishment and degradation of the other parts 
of the nation or their dominions. 

Under the Roman despots, the city of Rome was the privileged 
place, to be enriched, embellished and aggrandized, with the plun- 
der and exactions drawn from other provinces and places : Con- 
stantinople, is the chief receptacle of tributary and degraded Tur- 
key : Petersburgh, glitters and banquets, with exactions drawn 
from the Russian dominions : The chief spoil and playthings of 
the French monarchy, centre at Paris ; and London teems and 
sports with the riches, for which British provinces and foreign do- 



110 JURYMAN'S GUIDE. 

minions are stinted, and tasked, or robbed of their wealth, liberty 
and independence. 

In a republic, there is no privileged place ; nor sovereign chief 
with his pensioned and tinselled brood, to attract the gaze and won- 
der of the si'ly throng ; or to draw together and fatten a host of 
corrupt and rypocritical courtiers and sharpers : But every part 
place, and iniividual, are entitled to their equal and just care 
representation protection, and encouragement. One place, part 
or individual, cannot be stinted or tasked for the benefit of anoth 
er ; but all sunsist upon terms of reciprocal justice and good fel 
lowship — 

"All served — all serving." 

Monarchy, forbids the common freedom of speech, and of the 
press, to prevent the light and progress of truth, justice, reason, 
and human improvement, and to veil and protect the corrupt 
and deceptive policy and conduct of its chief managers, from de- 
tection and punishment. 

Republicanism, invites and protects the freedom of speech, and 
of the press, to encourage and facilitate the progress of truth, jus- 
tice, reason, and human improvement, and to expel darkness, cor- 
ruption and oppression, from human society. 

Monarch} has a tendency to enrich, elevate and adorn, indo- 
lence, vice and folly, and to tax and degrade industry, virtue and 
human excellence. 

On the contrary, republicanism tends to punish and degrade in- 
dolence anc dishonesty, and to enrich, elevate and honor human 
virtue, industry and merit. 



Juryman's Guide. 

Juries — in order to act consistently, and wisely, and to pro- 
long and extend their usefulness and respectability, should endeav- 
our to act with as much understanding, and independence, as pos- 
sible. Many men, while acting as jurymen, have suffered them- 



JURYMAN'S GUIDE, 111 

selves to be dictated and trifled with, by judges, and lawyers, and 
often ruled so much that they can scarcely be said to have exer- 
cised any judgment or opinion of their own, in their final decision 
of cases. Such jurymen generally seem to study to catch and fol- 
low the opinion or will of some judge, lawyer, or other leading or 
driving character, instead of forming an opinion of their own, 
from the evidence and law, in the case before them. This, un- 
fortunately for the cause of justice, liberty and humanity, is chief- 
ly owing to the want of proper intelligence and instruction on the 
subject of their duties. 

The highly important duties required of us as jurymen — so indis- 
pensable to the cause of justice, liberty and humanity — and which 
in fact, properly belongs to every man who sits in solemn judg- 
ment upon the life, liberty, reputation, or fortune, of a fellow be- 
ing, demands that we should let every other consideration rest, 
but that of our duty towards God and society, and seriously exert 
our reason and best judgment, in deciding whatever properly 
comes before us, in such cases. 

Lord Mansfield, that tyrant of law, was not perhaps more hos- 
tile to the actual usefulness, respectability and preservation, of 
juries, than some of our little knaves and tyrants on the throne of 
judgment. 

There ought to be published, in a neat little volume, a correct 
definition of the nature and character of the various criminal and 
other offences, subject to the examination, trial and final decision 
of jurors, duly simplified, classed and arranged ; together with a 
faithful explanation of the proper business, province and duties of 
jurors, to serve as juryman's guide : so that every body, at least, 
of grand and petit jurymen, should have the same, to guide and 
assist them in the correct and faithful performance of their ardu- 
ous and important duties ; and so as to guard against the errors, 
and partialities, of every different court, and different judge — their 
various charges, (no two of which was ever alike,) defining, (ac- 
cording to their individual will, or judgment — but seldom if ever 
correctly, and never sufficiently extensive and explicit,) the duty 
of jurors, and the nature and character of the different offences 
within their province, and of what was law, in the several cases. 



M2 BRITISH SYSTEM AND POLICY. 

Such a publication, if ably and faithfully performed, would save 
our jurymen individually, a great deal of time, and trouble ; cor- 
rect, improve, and systematize the proper business of juries gen- 
erally, and finally serve to perfect, extend and perpetuate their 
usefulness. 

It is inconsistent with our character, as a community of repub- 
licans, and certainly at direct variance with the professions of our 
republican leaders, that such a work has not long ago been pub- 
lished and in general use, and particularly when its necessity, 
utility, and importance, are duly considered. 

We ought, also, to have a code of probate law, comprising all 
the law generally necessary for the settlement of deceased persons 
estates, duly simplified, arranged, and published in a neat little 
volume, to serve as a guide in such transactions ; and to save us, 
the common people, as much as possible, from the unnecessary 
vexations, and ruinous expences, snares and fangs of lawcraft. 



British System and Policy. 

Mankind are too apt to be dazzled out of their senses, by the 
pomp and ceremony of corrupt and arbitrary authorities, until we 
are made to feel the oppressor's gripe. 

An American merchant, who had spent a considerable time in 
England, in a kind of trading visiting excursion,* became a great 
admirer of the British system and policy — that is, he thought them 
very fine for gentlemen to live under.f 

* All clever and jolly — fine eating and drinking, and the prospect of 
good profits on his return home. John Bull, I guess, knows how to bait 
his best customers ! 

f Mechanics, manufacturers, and sailors, (the most valuable part of 
their population,) are not allowed common freedom, in Britain. They 
have to disguise themselves, under the assumed appearance of mer- 
chants or gentlemen, in order to get a passport or permission to leave the 
kingdom Sailors are taken by force, as a kind of public property, 
whenever the ministry want them. But if a man has the appearance of 



BRITISH SYSTEM AND POLICY. 113 

Some years after, (1803 — 4 — 5) the merchant had returned 
home to America, he embarked, with a valuable cargo of coffee, 
and other articles, for some port on the continent of Europe. They 
were captured, by a British cruizer, nigh the port of their desti- 
nation, and carried into a port in England, for adjudication, as 
enemy's property ; and, after undergoing a tedious and vexatious 
detention and trial, and being subjected to an enormous bill of 
cost and other expenses, they were finally cleared, as bonafide 
American property.* 

During their detention, the cargo got damaged, and the market 
to which they were bound, became glutted ; so that the voyage 
finally terminated in a very heavy loss. 

After the American merchant had returned home, one of his 
old acquaintance, asked him how he then liked the British system 
and policy, to which he replied and said, " I would sooner take 
my dog and gun and retire to the wilderness and live like the In- 
dians, than again put myself within the power of those tyrants of 
the ocean- — who rob under colour of law, and justice, and make 
fine speeches, and solemn prayers, and perform tedious ceremonies, 
to conceal their actual designs ; the chief part of whose labour- 
ing population are actually but little better off than slaves" 

a merchant, or gentleman — that is, dresses finely, and has not the vulgar 
airs or garb of having earned his living by the habitual exercise of 
some mechanical or manufacturing business, or by the occupation of a 
sailor, then, if he has none of these marks of John Bull's privileged sub- 
jects about him, he is entitled to locomotion — the privilege of going where 
he pleases. This is " British freedom!" This is the fruits of a sys- 
tem and policy, that some of our American gentlemen are so much charm- 
ed and delighted with ! 

* The lawyers made a fine haul ; and seemed to say to the British crui- 
zers, " Go catch another neutral for us — no matter whether he is inno- 
cent, or guilty — we would like to try them, all— over and over again." 
This law without justice makes fine picking for lawyers ! 

15 



! 14 THE MOST TRULY JUST AND 

The most truly Just and Honourable Profession of Men, 

The farmer, is the most truly just and honourable profession :— - 

In the first place, the profession or business of the farmer, is 
the most necessary or useful of any other ; and his habits are 
uniformly the most athletic, manly, temperate, healthy and wise. 
His business is also the freest from evil temptations, fraudulent 
transactions and designs. 

Farmers are usually the most firm, undeviating patriots and sup- 
porters of our country, in peace and in war. 

Our farmers are generally the most secure, and just in their 
dealings ; sincere in professions, and truly benevolent and hu- 
mane, in their general conduct and disposition. 

The Ameican farmer, first subdues the forest and its wild in- 
habitants, and brings the country into a state of productiveness, 
order and embellishment, for the general support, security, com- 
fort and enjoyment of civilized man. It is his labour, enterprise 
and skill, that supplies us with the most important necessaries and 
luxuries of life, produced from the soil. 

Farmers generally reside in the country, where good air, good 
water, health, temperance and virtue most abound ; and where, 
with the use of plain solid food, regular and manly industry, the 
human constitution and character, both, are improved, renovated 
and preserved from the desolating and fatal effects of an idle and 
corrupt city life. 

The regular and manly employment, which the body and mind 
of the farmer receives in the practice of his profession, gives him 
unequalled stability of character. 

The country is emphatically the home of true virtue and liber- 
ty- 

Most of our large cities and towns, would degenerate, if not 
actually depopulate and run out, were it not for the recruits they 
are continually receiving from the country and smaller towns. 

The farmer generally despises those idle and dissipated habits : 
monkey airs, and artificial wants, that distinguish the bloated 
pride, vanity and hypocrisy of a corrupt city life. 

Farmers form no professional clubs or combinations for con- 



HONOURABLE PROFESSION OF MEN. 115 

cealing a knowledge of their profession, or for the monopoly of its 
practice : they use no mysterious artifices, blind language or jug- 
gling, to perplex or conceal the light or knowledge of their pro- 
fessional business, improvements or concerns : they require no 
test or license, to be permitted to exercise their honourable calling. 
But they freely and liberally give, without fee or reward, the light 
or knowledge of their improvements, and best advice, to the inex- 
perienced and whoever may need or desire them. They enter into 
no combinations to set the laws, or the rights of their fellow-men 
at defiance ; or any way to secure to those of their profession, 
undue privileges or advantages. 

The American farmer despises the base and unmanly customs 
and policies of the old world, combined and practised to rob and 
degrade honest labour. He discountenances their schemes of 
tenanting, and under -tenanting ; and generally chooses to culti- 
vate his own soil, and to participate in the labor himself, as his 
regular and principal business. 

Our farmers generally bring up their families in the regular 
habits of industry, economy and usefulness. 

The American farmer has no interest in involving his fellow-men 
in ignorance, depravity or oppression ; nor in any way exciting, or 
indulging schemes of general calamity or distress, for he knows 
who, at last, has got to bear the chief public burdens and expen- 
oes. His permanent interests, active employments, temperate and 
prudent habits, engage the farmer's body and mind, and leaves 
him no loose inclinations for unlawful indulgences, or treacherous 
hankerings after extra privileges. 

The property of the farmer is visible, and permanent ; and his 
pursuits are not likely to involve his neighbours or fellow-men, in 
blind hazards or ruinous speculations. 

The good habits of our farmers, with their usual candour, and 
practical good sense, give them unequalled stability and worth of 
character ; and finally render them, truly, the chief supporters 
and defenders of this republic : and I will honor and reward the 
true character of the American farmer, to the last dash of my pen. 
They are truly the first lords of this country. 

Next to the farmer, on the general scale of honour and public 



116 THE MOST TRULY JUST AND 

worth, stand our mechanics and manufacturers. The business 
of their profession is the next most necessary and useful; and 
their habits of industry and prudence, are generally equal, and in 
some instances superior to those of the farmer. 

The ingenuity and persevering industry of mechanics and 
manufacturers, furnish innumerable necessaries, conveniences, 
and comforts of life. They devise and make the various tools 
and utensils with which the farmer subdues the forest and culti- 
vates the soil to the greatest advantage, and conveys his produce 
home or to market. They build our houses, ships, and land car- 
riages ; furnish the main articles of our clothing, furniture, and 
the chief instruments for the acquisition and support of human 
rights — including the press, that mighty engine for the propaga- 
tion of human knowledge. In fact, the benefits rendered to man- 
kind by the contrivance and labour of mechanics and manufactur- 
ers, is beyond all human calculation. The ingenuity and indus- 
try of mechanics and manufacturers, has made England the rich- 
est, most powerful and enlightened nation in the world. What 
would she be without them ! 

The high intellectual and 'practical knowledge and attain- 
ments of our mechanics and manufacturers, already begins to be 
a source of considerable national wealth, independence and exal- 
tation. 

The justice, patriotism — devotion to the honour, independence, 
and prosperity of the nation, generally manifested by the Ameri- 
can mechanics and manufacturers, are rarely ever, if any behind 
the farmers. 

Commerce, is the handmaid of agriculture and manufactures, 
that passes from one to the other, their respective productions ; 
and, in its proper place, it is useful and honourable. But com- 
merce is surrounded by evil temptations, and degraded by habitu- 
al abuses. Merchants and traders, generally considered, are 
subject to the most evil temptations, and, with a few highly hon- 
ourable exceptions, practice the most fraud and dishonourable 
schemes, of any other equally numerous profession of men in our 
country. Such, for instance, as adulterating groceries and other 
articles of trade ; intentionally procuring and vending deceitful 



HONOURABLE PROFESSION OF MEN. 117 

made wares and articles of traffic ; using false and fraudulent 
weights and measures ; doing business and obtaining credit on 
false representations and appearances of property and responsibili- 
ty — thereby throwing the actual risk on to others, without their 
knowledge or consent, and without any chance of a participation 
or share in the profits ; making sham auction and other sales, to de- 
coy and take in others, and to disguise the true ownership of property ; 
affecting failures and making fraudulent concealment of property, 
to cheat honest creditors ; involving the business of commerce and 
trade in unnecessary perplexities and obscurity, in order to render 
a knowledge of the same, a deep and intricate science, k lown on- 
ly to the craft or trade, to the exclusion of others ; defrauding the 
revenues of the country, by direct smuggling, and by false invoi- 
ces, and bills of entry and clearance , carrying on foreign trade 
under false papers, flags and other counterfeit pretensions ; tra- 
ding with the enemy in time of war, and thereby affording them aid 
and comfort ; studiously embarrassing the revenue, credit and re- 
sources of the country, in times of war and general distress ; car- 
rying on, or conniving at, piracy, and traffic in human beings ; 
aiding and conniving at the impressment, and other abuse of our 
seamen, in order to please the " mistress of the ocean," and ulti- 
mately favor their cupidity in foreign trade, or foreign politics ; 
sending seamen to encounter seizures, pestilences ond other haz- 
ards, unknown to them, in prosecuting desperate commercial en- 
terprizes ; enticing seamen and others to commit criminal and other 
acts, in violation of revenue and other laws ; making efforts to en- 
courage foreign trade and manufactures, to the manifest injury of 
our own country ; studiously employing deceitful artifices and rep- 
resentations to prejudice the public against domestic manufac- 
tures and other home concerns, to the embarrassment of our na- 
tional wealth, resources and independence ; adopting and recom- 
mending to others, foreign fashions of dress, manners and customs, 
injurious to the best interests of our own country ; forming and 
conducting monopolizing and other extensive schemes of specula- 
tion, whereby thousands of worthy and unsuspicious persons are 
drawn into ruin, and others ultimately compelled to pay an exorbi- 
tant tax or contribution for their support and aggrandizement ; 



118 TRUE PRIDE OF CIVILIZED MAN. 

carrying on corrupt intrigues with the officers and agents of gov- 
ernment, to facilitate schemes of fraud, monopoly and other spec- 
illations, and to obtain extra privileges. 

There is an abundance of evidence to show that the farmers 
are the most just and honourable profession of men in our coun- 
try ; the mechanics and manufacturers the next ; and that, with a 
few honourable exceptions, merchants and traders stand the last or 
lowest on the general scale of honour and public usefulness, of 
the three general professions. 

Were the farmers and mechanics as destitute of principle and 
fellow-feeling as some other professions are ; and should they unite 
for extra privileges and advantages overall others, what would their 
numbers and power enable them to accomplish ! But they are 
too just and honourable to attempt any undue advantages over their 
fellow men. They ask nothing but inequality of rights and priv- 
ileges, and that they never refuse to others. 



True Pride of Civilized Man. 

The true pride of civilized man, is the noblest impulse of the 
human senses. It is founded in justice and reason ; and is a prop- 
er sense of human virtue, worth and excellence, without vanity, 
haughtiness or deceit. 

Vanity, haughtiness, impudence, and hypocrisy, are proper sub- 
jects of human disgrace, contempt, and scorn, or any thing, rath- 
er than what we ought to exult in. 

A proper sense of human pride, keeps mankind above base or 
mean actions ; and excites us to the very summit of human ex- 
cellence. 

All true sources of human pride and exaltation, are unalloyed 
with future regrets or uneasiness. Like the life and character of 
a truly good and great man, they are subjects of pure joy, that 
grow brighter, more elevated and interesting, on reflection. 

Haughtiness, is the fruit of ignorance, vanity and hypocrisy : 



THREE PROFESSIONAL CHARACTERS. 119 

generally the result of bad education ; an erroneous opinion of 
what human worth and excellence consists in. 

True greatness, is self-possessed, calm, affable, dignified, and 
olwaysjust and reasonable. 



Warning concerning three Professional Characters. 

Said Uncle Ned, (in his warning to his friends,) there are three 
professional characters, of whom I warn you to be cautious how 
you trust : — Namely, the priest, the doctor, and the lawyer. The 
priest requires the charge of your soul — the doctor, of your body, 
and the lawyer, of your purse. The priest triumphs in your igno- 
rance and superstition — the doctor, in your intemperance and ill 
health, and the lawyer, in your depravity and embarrassments. 

They are all in the habit of disguising their professional policy 
and conduct, in blind language, and by hypocritical pretensions. 
They have been permitted to be, chiefly their own judges. They 
may be good servants — but they are intolerable masters. 

Priests, and lawyers, when not strictly watched and guarded, in 
their professional policy and conduct, too often prove the very 
spiders and tanker worms of truth, virtue, justice and human lib- 
erty ; and doctors, when left to consult their own professional in- 
terests, frequently prove the parents of debility, and the nurses of 
disease. 

It would therefore be important, and especially for the people of 
this republican community, if there was an able, independent and 
faithful review, published in every considerable state or district, 
criticising the general policy and conduct of the learned profes- 
sions ; and thereby keeping in check much of the favorite crafty 
they are inclined to indulge in, and especially when left to them- 
selves without -watching and frequent public inspection. 



!~0 THE LIGHT OF HEAVEN NO MYSTERY. 



The Light of Heaven no Mystery. 

Heaven has rendered the way to human enjoyments, light, sim- 
ple and easy — accessible to the simplest capacity. It is truth — it 
shines always the same, and fairly admits of but one construction. 
But it seems not to have answered the purpose of priestcraft, king- 
craft, and of witchcraft — it is too simple — every body can com- 
prehend it : so they have conjured up, (as they would have us be- 
lieve,) a better light — a mysterious light, a light that looks like 
darkness, and which, like the grocer's liquor, is the better for be- 
ing adulterated ! 

Let any one attend to the guide which nature has furnished for 
our senses, and he can hardly mistake the way to true happiness. 
Every thing around us, seems naturally to proclaim, that temper- 
ance is health, industry is wealth, and honesty is honour. On 
the contrary, intemperance causes stupidity, disease and death ; 
indolence is the mould and rust of human talents, and cancer of 
virtue ; and dishonesty makes a man the most base and contempt- 
ible being on earth. 

It is charging the Creator with a lack of justice and discern- 
ment, to suppose that He had provided no asylum for oppressed 
humanity — designed no reward for virtue, but left them to chance, 
or the mere invention of man. 

Morality is divine. Schemes of religion are the works of men : 
so far as any scheme or system of religion cultivates virtue and 
moral excellence in society, so far it is good — but no farther. 

A system of religion that embraces any thing beyond what 
truth and reason can support, loses much of its force ; and every 
attempt to compel subjects into its belief, becomes suspicious, and 
frequently turns away honest minds with indignation. 

You cannot compel the mind — the body may be enslaved. — 
Thoughts are involuntary. It is impossible to force any one to 
Heaven against their own will. Besides, a person of a corrupt 
and vicious mind, without a change of understanding and feel- 
ings, surrounded by all the felicities of Heaven, would be in tor- 
ment. 



THE LIGHT OF HEAVEN NO MYSTERY. 121 

Weak people may be terrified into a confession of that which 
ihey do not comprehend ; and the unprincipled may be hired, by 
the possession or prospect of some worldly gains or advantages, to 
profess what they don't believe. 

The holy inquisition, sacrificed people, (by imprisonment, tor- 
ture, death, and a confiscation of their property,) because they 
were too honest to take & false oath — to swear to that which they 
did not believe. 

True Christianity, like republicanism, needs no other arms but 
the force of truth and reason to carry it into effect, and maintain 
its dominion ove- the human character. When any other means 
are resorted to, depend upon it, there is mischief. 

There is a kind of hot-bed religion, which is produced by ex- 
traordinary excitement and nursing ; that may serve as a kind of 
curiosity, from its sudden growth, and rare appearance : but it 
seldom has much substance, and generally expires, or changes its 
complexion, as soon as exposed to the common atmosphere- 
True religion, is sincere, and is founded in a just sense of vir- 
tue and wisdom. It is generally slow and steady of growth ; and 
is to be known by its consistency and good works. But false re- 
ligion, is a cheat, founded in folly and wickedness — generally the 
artifice of base men, calculated to disguise fraudulent intentions, 
and to impose on the ignorant and credulous. 

All hopes of future felicity, that are not founded in righteous- 
ness, are vain and impious. 

Don't trust that teacher, who preaches up mysteries he cannot 
unravel or comprehend himself, lest, through ignorance 01 design, 
he lead you on to destruction. 

Of what use is any system of religion, that does not promote 
virtue and human excellence 1 

We are frequently cautioned against examining into the truth 
or soundness, of doctrines held out by divine teachers concerning 
the bible and a future state. This art, (for it must be confessed 
the business has been managed with a deal of art,) has caused 
more bloodshed and human misery, than perhaps all the avowed 
infidelity on earth. What ! will not the works of divinely inspir- 
ed revelation, bear the test ? If the various tilings preached up 

16 



122 THE LIGHT OF HEAVEN NO MYSTERY. 

by divines, concerning the present and future happiness of man- 
kind, are founded in truth or reason, they certainly can lose noth- 
ing by examination ; but if their schemes are conceived in error, 
or wickedness, they may be detected by inspection. Popery, the 
holy inquisition, and all their horrid consequences, grew out of 
this error or neglect of mankind ; and numerous other evils, 
equally abominable, have been practised or cloaked under pious 
pretensions. 

It is the common art of villainy, to cloak evil designs, under 
good names, or fair professions. 

It should be remembered, that the church of Rome, professedly 
deriving their authority from the Christian Scriptures, at one time, 
exercised such a horrid despotism over the fortunes, bodies and 
consciences of men, as to call forth the arduous supplications of 
true Christians, for the downfall of popery and superstition. 

It may be well to explain, a little, in regard to the origin and 
progress of this evil. 

After the leading knaves and tyrants of the ancient world, had 
rendered the greater part of mankind miserable, by their frauds, 
oppressions and cruelties, they then pretended, that, those who 
served them faithfully, and scrupulously adhered to their rules and 
exactions, would be made happy in another life — in a world to 
come ; but that, those who transgressed their rules and authority, 
would be doomed to misery and destruction. 

This is probably the foundation of ancient religious despotism : 
and from which the world experienced no substantial relief, until 
the introduction of Christianity. 

When the leaders of this ancient religious despotism, had spent 
their fury and chief force, against the mild, righteous and humane 
precepts and practices of Christianity, without being able to ar- 
rest its progress ; they then, hypocritically, professed to turn 
round and embrace its doctrines ; but managed their designs so, 
as finally to include and continue most of their idolatrous forms, 
and arbitrary practices, under the name of Christianity. 

Thus papistry reared her awful dominion : wherein the pope, 
the head of the church, professed to hold the keys of Heaven and 
hell, and thereby to exercise a kind of sovereignty over the future 



THE LIGHT OF HEAVEN NO MYSTERY. 123 

destinies of mankind ! and as an authority expressly derived from 
the Christian scriptures. But, lest the fallacy of these preten- 
sions should be detected, the chief managers, absolutely prohibits d 
the common use of the Bible ! Perhaps a greater cheat never was 
practised on the human race. 

Under the expressed authority of the pope, the professed head 
of the Roman church, or papal sovereignty, multitudes carried on 
a commerce in sin, and actually sold licenses, (indulgences they 
call them,) to commit criminal and other offences, for a stipulated 
sum, for which they, the priests, absolved, or agreed to screen the 
purchaser from all future punishment or accountability, both earth- 
ly, and divine ! 

While truth was thus chained, and virtue and humanity lay 
weltering and wailing, under the bigotry and despotism of the Ro- 
mish church, or papal authority, Calvin, after Luther, commen- 
ced his aid in the general reformation. 

In this undertaking, however, Calvin, no doubt thought best to 
conform his creed, in a degree, to some of the leading notions and 
policy of kingcraft, in order to conciliate earthly sovereignty, and 
obtain the aid and approbation of the powers nigh him. This may 
be easily seen, in his ideas of prelection, and sovereign grace — that 
is, an appointment or determination, fixed by the lot of birth, 
without any regard to merit or previous actions — a place, pension, 
title or distinction, bestowed by sovereign authority, agreeable to 
the whim or pleasure of the monarch, and in contempt of merit, or 
the principles of justice. 

Calvin's making his God the arbiter of an unjust, cruel and re- 
lentless policy, in imitation of earthly sovereigns, was no doubt 
highly flattering to their vanity and pretensions. 

It may readily be perceived, however, that the moral socie- 
ties, established by Calvin, had a more important effect in impro- 
ving the actual condition of society, than his religious creed. — 
Their good effects are strikingly visible to this day, in places where 
they were first established. Something like a regimen of diet 
and exercise, attending the prescription for using a certain com- 
pound of medicine — they are worth more than the medicine. So 
Calvin's moral societies are worth more than his religious creed. — 



124 THE LIGHT OF HEAVEN NO MYSTERY. 

The first is founded in positive benefits, and the latter is chiefly 
imaginary. 

The idea, held out by some, that one man can answer or atone 
for the sins of another person, in a moral or religious point of 
view, is perhaps the most absurd and slavish notion, that priest- 
craft ever invented. 

A person's making confessions in gross, and without offering 
any amends to those whom they have injured, is encouraging to 
hypocrisy and villainy. 

Some, who profess to have undergone a religious change, have 
exchanged a manly sense of honesty, for a sickly state of insensi- 
bility. They are no longer troubled with anxiety about discharg- 
ing their earthly duties, or engagements to their fellow-men. — 
Their compunctions of conscience cease to upbraid them of faith- 
less or dishonest actions — a state of stupidity and hypocrisy has ta- 
ken their place. Indeed, many who have experienced sudden re- 
ligious conversions, or undergone a nominal change in favour of 
some sectarian creed, policy, or mode of external worship — rely- 
ing upon their assumed piety to screen them from suspicion and 
punishment, often presume to do with impunity, that which, before 
they put on their outside sanctity, they would not have dared to 
attempt. 

The advocates of mischief, address themselves to our faith in 
imaginary things, and prove their works by deception. 

Can any system, that is founded in error, and supported by de- 
ception, be good ? " Yes," say the slaves of satan, " such are 
the means by which we serve our master, and set mankind at va- 
riance with themselves — by enslaving, tormenting and butchering 
one another ; and frequently in a cause wherein ninety and nine- 
hundredths of them have the same general object in view, only — 

THEY ARE DECEIVED." 

Mankind are not the happier for what they have enjoyed ; but 
we rather pass from pleasure with regret, and feel our happiness 
augmented by what we hopefully expect to enjoy. Hence a hope 
of future felicity, founded in a just and well grounded prospect, is 
the sweet anchor of the soul. 

The idea of an immortal soul, and of a state of rewards and 



THE LIGHT OF HEAVEN NO MYSTERY. 125 

punishments according to our understandings and voluntary trans- 
actions, is certainly the most just and sublime conception that ev- 
er entered the mind of man ; and when it is pursued by just and 
rational precepts and examples, it is most eminently calculated to 
exalt the human character, and to promote the general peace, 
prosperity and happiness of the whole human family. 

The christian system, in its true and rational character, is the 
very palladium of our religious and political liberties. It has done 
more perhaps to civilize mankind — to allay and restrain the fero- 
city and despotism of the human character — to excite and culti- 
vate a proper sense of returning justice and fellow feeling among 
the human family, than any thing else that has ever been known. 

Our divine Saviour, in teaching the ways of God to man, de- 
veloped more true goodness and greatness of the human character, 
than the world had ever before seen. — He shows mankind, that 
true greatness, does not consist in the imposition, or exercise of, a 
haughty sovereignty, or despotism over our fellow beings, or in 
any way manifesting a contempt for their wrongs and sufferings : 
But in enlightening the ignorant; detecting and reproving the 
faulty ; relieving and comforting the oppressed, and those who are 
unrighteously and sorely afflicted ; and in finally promoting the 
general peace, security, prosperity and happiness of the whole 
human family, by a mutual exchange of good services — by doing 
unto others as we would have mankind do unto us. (How much 
is this unlike, most of the heads of our church establishments, at 
the present day !) 

Real christians don't persecute, nor oppress their fellow men. 

Ingratitude, and revenge, are the fruits of ignorance and cor- 
ruption. 

The spirit of true Christianity, breathes nothing but peace, 
righteousness, benevolence and good will towards mankind. 

The real christian in mind, rejoices in the happiness of his fel- 
low beings ; but the snake tempered hypocrite and despoiler, 
squirm and hiss at the peace and prosperity of their very neigh- 
bours. Miserable and discontented in mind, themselves, they wish 
the world so, too. 

Practical Christianity, teaches us cheerfulness and affability in 
our temper, and dispositions ; justice, benevolence and humanity, 



126 ORATORY. 

in our dealings, and general conduct towards our neighbours and 
fellow men. 

The true christian's mind, moves with gratitude and satisfaction- 
towards private and public benefactors. 

And when the christian's life is run, he sinks into a hopeful 
eternity, in peace with himself and the world of mankind. 

Here, then, is an immediate, and positive benefit, with an eter- 
nity of bliss in prospect, resulting from the faith and practice of 
true Christianity. 



Oratory. 



True oratory, is the natural and unaffected speaking of the 
mind — the pouring out of the soul, through the medium of the hu- 
man senses ; and is generally manifested by the tone of voice, 
looks, actions and other expressions of feeling. Tears some times 
express the language of the soul, most eloquently. 

There is an acquired art of speaking, imitating genuine ora- 
tory — affecting the true sensibility and language of the soul. This 
art, chiefly consists in modulating and managing the voice, ges- 
tures, and manner of speaking, to charm or captivate the human 
senses, by the music of the voice, and pleasing manners of a speak- 
er — to gain a particular cause, point or purpose, by the sound and 
manner, rather than by the substance of argument, and finally to 
triumph over human justice and reason, by a hypocritical appeal to 
passions. 

This art of public speaking, may, possibly, be applied to good 
purposes, in certain instances ; but it is an unnecessary, and very 
dangerous art, and far more evil than good is to be apprehended 
from its indulgence. 

Truth, soberly and fairly expressed to our understanding, is an 
address to reason — instead of passion ; and is the great agent and 
promoter of justice, virtue and human excellence. But an affected 
tone of voice, feeling and manner of speaking, studiously calcula- 
ted and managed to operate upon the human passions, instead of 
reason, is an art of satan. 



LAWYERS. 127 

There seems to be a great deal of study and effort, to acquire 
this hypocritical art of speaking, and chiefly by those who are 
thoughtless, or ignorant of its true character and consequences ; 
but every virtuous nnd enlightened member of society, should 
avoid and detest all art and affectation in speaking, as the music 
and charms of satan. 

It is this art of speaking, by which unprincipled and designing 
lawyers often endeavour to lull justice to sleep, while they plunder 
and distress their intended victims, or effect the escape of their 
guilty clients. 

The very same art that unprincipled and designing priests often 
hypocriticallv employ, to delude and oppress their unhappy sub- 
jects. 

It is the " syren song" intended to hush the watchmen of liber- 
ty, while the enemy possess themselves of the strong holds of public 
safety. 

The speeches and writings of Wm. Penn, Washington, Frank- 
lin, Jefferson, and many others, the best friends and benefactors 
of mankind, are plain, unaffected, and direct communications to 
the human reason and understanding ; and serve as an example 
for present and future generations. 

After a people have been accustomed to be led by the sound in- 
stead of the substance of words or arguments — suffer themselves 
to follow an artful and affected address to their passions, rather 
than a sober and candid appeal to their reason, they may be readi- 
ly subjected to their own degradation and ruin. 

This unnatural, inhuman and affected art of speaking, makes 
game of fellow beings, and is calculated to play the very devil 
with the human understanding and character. 



Lawyers. 



There is perhaps no profession, whereby a man might render 
more important services to society, than in that of the law, provi- 
ded those who practice law would exert their skill and talents to 
promote justice; and I am happy to perceive there are some of 



128 LAWYERS. 

the profession, of that character. Unfortunately for society, how- 
ever, it must be confessed, that the number of such lawyers is smail, 
and that those who compose it, are truly above the general influ- 
ence and example of their profession. 

The principal gains of lawyers, proceed from the ignorance, 
wounds and depravity of society. 

Could there be a mode devised whereby lawyers should be paid 
or compensated, in proportion as they should promote^MS^'ce — ren- 
der its access more sure, expeditious, and economical, it would be 
highly important for mankind. At present, however, nighly the 
reverse is the case ; and lawyers study to promote their interests, 
by unnecessary perplexities and delays of justice. — We should 
certainly think it a queer way to improve roads or navigable wa- 
ters, by rendering their passage more lengthy, intricate, hazardous 
and expensive, and yet these seem to be essentially such altera- 
tions as lawyers generally choose to make in the course of profes- 
sed justice. 

It is perfectly natural for every one to desire an increase of the 
profits and sources of their own calling or professional business. 
Therefore it is not extraordinary that lawyers should study to fos- 
ter, and increase the natural sources and advantages of their pro- 
fessional business ; that they should study to catch every human 
difference, evil passion, or spark of litigation, and blow it up, and 
endeavour to multiply, extend and prolong the same ; and finally 
to manage every controversy or job of law, for their own benefit.* 
It is also reasonable to conclude, that they would strive to get and 
retain all the offices of any considerable trust or profit, to them- 
selves, families, friends and connexions, or to those under their 
influence and control ; that they would try to legislate and make 
the laws, and then plead, and judge, to suit themselves ; that they 
should even labor to render mankind so dependent upon their pro- 

*Like an unprincipled doctor, who, for the purpose of making 1 or 
enlarging a job for himself, aggravates and converts a wart or pimple in- 
to a cancer ; or who, perhaps otherways exaggerates a malady, or nurses 
and prolongs vour infirmity, or disease, to lengthen out his visits and in* 
crease his charges ; or purposely injures your constitution, so as to make 
you dependant on his assistance during life. 



LAWYERS. 129 

fession, as hardly to be able to transact the most trifling business 
without their aid or advice. Besides, it is quite probable their 
professional views would lead them to endeavor to control, directly 
or indirectly, most of the newspapers and other sources of public 
intelligence, in order to prevent criticisms on their policy and con- 
duct, and to advocate and promote their own policy, interest and 
designs. 

Having the chief control of the legislative, judicial, and execu- 
tive authorities of a state or nation ; it would be very convenient 
for the craft, in order to recruit the sources of their professional 
interests, to hoist the flood gates of vice, for a season, under 
some special garb or pretext of necessity, mercy, liberality, expe- 
diency, or good policy — to sow vice or evil temptations, and then 
harvest the sins of the people ! 

It is really wonderful, however, that lawyers should have been 
so far indulged, as they have been, in this enlightened age, and 
country. How unfortunate it is for society, that there should be 
a profession of men, so tolerated or indulged, who are interested 
in catching every man in a passion, or evil moment, and binding 
of him in a litigious controversy, to the final injury of himself, 
and friends — in exciting, augmenting, and prolonging, those petty 
broils and misunderstandings which mankind are perpetually lia- 
ble to ; and which, if judiciously attended to in season, are gene- 
rally settled to the satisfaction of all concerned ; but if entrusted 
to the management of lawyers, too often terminate to the disad- 
vantage of both parties. 

But what necessity is there for lawyers ? justice chiefly depends 
on the facts (not pleadings,) produced in evidence to the court; 
and the judges know, or ought to know, the law — as well as to be 
capable of reasoning. 

Can a lawyer make what has been, not to have been, or what has 
not been, to have been. What is the odds — whether a man takes 
my purse behind my back, and passes it cunningly under his leg, 
from his right hand to his left, through a button hole, says over 
" hocus pocus," and puts it into his pocket, or whether he takes it 
before my face and bears it straight off without any cerimony ? 
I know, that, sticklers for law and policy, will make a deal of 

17 



130 LAWYERS. 

odds : but I can see no essential difference, only that the former 
evinces the most premeditated and determined villainy. 

It would generally be much easier to make a just and correct 
decision of a case, from a judicious summary of the law, and the 
principal facts in evidence, than after hearing all the sophistry, 
squirming, twisting and juggling of the lawyers.* 

William Penn, Washington, Franklin, Samuel Adams, 
Hancock, Generals Warren, Greene, Putnam, La Fayette, 
and a host of the political fathers and benefactors of this republic, 
were not lawyers.f Washington, has indeed left us a warning 
and example to shun lawyers and the snares of litigation, in the 
provisions for settling his estate, " got volumes of meaning in it." 

The study and practice of law, generally cultivates a quibbling, 
contracted and base policy. A knowledge of history and general 
science, gives men much more correct, extensive and liberal views 
of soeiety. 

Knowledge debases no man ; but the ordinary practice of law, 
too often renders men practical villains. Accustomed to oppose 
truth and justice, lawyers frequently lose, even their natural sense 
of right and wrong. Tutored in the great school of deception, a 
lawyer becomes a hypocrite by profession — a kind of two sided 
craft — any body's friends for money ! Of course, a lawyer is a 
kind of privileged tool, in the hands of vicious, or wealthy men 
— sometimes hired to keep justice off, at others employed to enforce 
a fraudulent or unjust demand, just as suits their client's purposes. 

We are apt to form a most detestable opinion of those, who can 
be hired to fight against the cause of justice and humanity. It is 
indeed often necessary and proper, that criminal and other offend- 
ers, should have advice and assistance, to prevent them from be- 
etle Supreme Court of the State of New York, it is said, with the 
chief justice presiding-, went through one of their county sessions, with- 
out any pleadings, and the result was highly pleasing — to all but lawyers. 
This course was adopted, in consequence of some airs the lawyers or 
bar had taken upon themselves, which the judge would not submit to. 

f Jefferson soon entered into public life, so that he had no time to 
become corrupted by the contaminating influence and practice of the 
law. And even John Adams, did not remain many years in their reach, 



LAWYERS. 131 

mg convicted of more than they were guilty, or from being any 
way wronged or unjustly treated. But when lawyers exert them- 
selves beyond that — to prevent the truth from coming to light, or 
justice from taking pkce, bf stu lying to garnish over or conceal 
the crimes or offences of t!.eir clients : when they strive to wring 
and twist a known or confirmed villain or offender out of the 
hands of justice, and let him loose upon society again ; by so do- 
ing, they obviously participate in their client's offence, and too of- 
ten partake bountifully of their plunder or ill-gotten wealth. 

Some lawyers attempt to excuse themselves for assisting rogues 
to evade justice, by saying that their oaths oblige them to be faith- 
ful to their employers — (plaguey oath /) but why take such an 
oath, if it requires them to become accomplices with every villain 
who may see fit to employ them to facilitate an evasion of justice 1 

If a man under standingly makes implements, or renders other 
essential aid or assistance to effect the commission of a fraudulent 
or criminal act ; or to facilitate the escape of rogues ; or if he 
knowingly conceals a criminal offender ; or disguises or secretes 
stolen property, or partakes of the same, he participates in the of- 
fence — unless, indeed, he has been indulged with a lawyer's oath, 
and then he just receives his reward, or part of the plundered, as 
a fee. — What a privilege ! 

Their clients deceive them, too — (naughty clients ! ) But does 
not every lawyer know, that men are generally in a passion when 
they go to law, and that every man is inclined to be more or less 
partial to his own side of the case ? 

Lawyers not only get larger fees, for advocating injustice, but 
consider it a greater evidence of their professional abilities, when 
they succeed, than they do for managing on the side of justice. 

Those who prosecute under just claims, or attempt to resist pal- 
pable injustice, generally conceive they have very little need for 
the services of lawyers. 

Lawyers knowingly encourage opposition to justice, that would 
not otherways be made. They cultivate an equivocating and tri- 
fling disposition in society, by endeavouring to render litigation 
honourable. Indeed, they would endeavour to persuade us that 
theirs was "the most honourable profession." 



132 LAWYERS. 

The more trifling the cause of action, the greater the offence ; 
and attack a man, let his conduct and position be ever so correct, 
and you will generally compel him to take extreme grounds, for 
resistance. Hence it is the policy of lawyers, to encourage the 
institution of suits for doubtful, exaggerated or petty offences, and 
to excite false ideas of honour, or prospects of success, to induce 
their clients to persist to the extremity of the law — well knowing 
that one law suit, unjustly instituted, or unreasonably prolonged, 
like a war, generally provokes another. 

The laws were professedly designed as our guide and protec- 
tion ; but how could it be reasonably expected that men of com- 
mon abilities should understand the laws, and be able to use them, 
when they are the subject of perpetual doubts, and often of the 
very men who made the laws ? 

If those who went to law, generally, expectedjiistice would take 
place, there would be quite a difference in the parties ; and many 
matters that are now violently contested, would be amicably set- 
tled, and without the aid or advice of a lawyer. 

The advocate of injustice, says, "I am not confined to certain 
unalterable facts — but make just such statements as are best cal- 
culated to answer my purpose ; and if I succeed, I get something 
for my pains ; but if my opponent gets his case, he recovers no 
more than was justly his own, and that often at an expense that 
far exceeds its value." 

The laws should be so made and administered, that justice might 
be accessible to people of common abilities. In many instances, 
however, the laws seem to be made, or administered, so as to in- 
crease the powers of those, whose learning, property, and personal 
influence, (the bane of justice and civil liberty,) naturally gives 
them too much the advantage. 

Bad laws are generally worse than none. They cost more than 
they fetch. Justice is out of the question. 

It is the natural policy of lawyers, to throw the rights of men 
into doubtful contest, and then shuffle law for the issue — to render 
truth and error equally doubtful, and then let the partiality of the 
judges go the way they are generally inclined. 

Lawyers no doubt would be highly gratified, if they could ren- 



LAWYERS. 133 

der the rights of men so doubtful, as to be frequently contested in 
law. 

If the laws were rendered plain and explicit, so as to be easily 
understood, and readily administered, there would be but few law- 
suits, or attempts to resist justice — unless those entrusted with the 
administration of the laws should violate the proper duties of 
their station ; for mankind are not such fools, generally, as to at- 
tempt to resist a plain, regular course of justice, without some un- 
due excitement, aid, or encouragement. 

The talents which generally enable men to acquire wealth and 
power, by the practice of law, are not rated among the most es- 
teemed of human faculties. Some lawyers have gained their fees 
by extreme insolence, browbeating, or bullying — such as would 
often give the purest innocence a purple tinge, or frighten the 
most amiable modesty into confusion ; while others have triumph- 
ed over their opponents, by superior strength of lungs, employed 
in loud, or long speaking ; and all owe more or less of their suc- 
cess to intrigue and deception* 

Tribunals of justice, bring the reasoning faculties of men into 
cool and deliberate action ; but courts of law, like war, too often 
give scope to the vilest passions of the human character. In 
fact, suits at law are often conducted more like a siege at war, 
than like tribunals of civil justice — in collecting and drilling wit- 
nesses ; changing the modes or points of attack, or defence ; cor- 
rupting or swerving witnesses, lawyers and judges, and causing 
unnecessary perplexities, delays and expenses. 

It is a great object with the profession, to render the laws intri- 
cate, complicated and difficult to administer ; and also to have it 

* What a sense must it create, in a virtuous, intelligent and reflecting* 
mind, to behold an old grey headed man, (as the case sometimes is,) one 
who had been honoured with a seat in the councils of his nation, employ- 
ing- sophistries and other arts of deception, before a public assembly, 
dignified with the name of a tribunal of justice — perhaps to rob, per- 
secute or oppress, some good person — possibly a public benefactor, to 
favour or indulge some treacherous, malignant envious or oppressive 
client — and all, too, for the paltry consideration ofa/ee / What, indeed, 
must be the opinion entertained of such a man, and of a profession that 
would tolerate such a general course of conduct ? 



134 LAWYERS. 

customary to make fine long speeches on frequent occasions ;* so 
as to exclude all but " the most honourable profession" from offi- 
ces of any considerable trust or profit. Then, instead of choosing 
public officers from among the people, they would have to be cho- 
sen of the lawyers ! 

Lawyers already consider a knowledge of law so intricate, as 
to exclude all but those of their own profession, from knowing any 
more about " legal affairs" than they generally do about the me- 
chanic arts. Indeed, some of the quirks and quibbles of law, are 
as mysterious and perplexing, as the art of juggling or slight of 
hand — and quite as useless and mischievous in society. But ev- 
ery man of good common sense, generally knows the principles 
of equity— of common right and wrong, and which are the essen- 
tials of all just and good laws. 

Most of those who practice law, have signalized their lives, es- 
pecially their youths, by their hatred of industry, and their con- 
tempt for those who earn their living by honest labour ; as well 
as manifested a disregard for most of the good and wholesome 
laws and customs of society. A pretty set of men, to be sure, to 
select to make and administer laws, for the purpose of guarding 
the rights of honest industry — encouraging honesty and fair deal- 
ing among men ; promoting temperance and sobriety, and protect- 
ing virtue and innocence in society. 

Almost as soon as a person commences the study of law, in 
some places, he is dub'd Esqr. and viewed with a kind of terror, 
by the common people, as having power to do them harm. 

In short, lawyers, in their zeal to render the progress of law ex- 
pensive, and its issue uncertain, have nighly overreached them- 
selves, in as much as they have rendered the progress so tedious 
and expensive, and its issue so uncertain, that many people had ra- 
ther suffer injustice in the first instance, than contend in laiv for 
their rights. Nor has the zeal of this privileged and highly in- 

* How silly it often appears, for an old, and otherwise dignified char- 
acter, such as the chief magistrate of the nation, a state, or the like offi- 
cer, to have to learn the matter of their communications by heart, like a 
school boy, so as to deliver them off — make a speech, instead of giving 
the same in a written message. 



LAWYERS. 135 

dulged profession ended here ; for they have not only trampled on 
the laws of the statPS, in some instances, by their " bar rules," to 
obtain illegal and exorbitant fees ; but have they not actually set 
the constitution of the nation at defiance, by obstructing the gen- 
eral freedom of exercising our professional talents, in certain in- 
stances, unless we have studied, or resided, a given time, within a 
certain district or local bound ? 

Instances of lawyers being governed by principle — advising cli- 
ents for their actual and best good, contrary to the general dictates 
oftheir professional policy, are indeed so rare, that they are noticed 
as extraordinary occurrences. For example : when the late judge 
Wythe, (of Virginia,) during his practice of law, once returned 
a client his fee, with advice to settle the matter in the best manner 
he could, without going :o law — the transaction was considered as 
an extraordinary instance of honesty in a lawyer. And when Mr. 

B of Vermont — a young lawyer of considerable talents, but 

no fortune, not only refused to advocate the cause of a rogue, 
(who had stolen a cqw from a poor widow,) but actually volun- 
teered on the other side — and got the case — the transaction was 
noticed, and highly applauded by the people, as an instance of hon- 
ourable conduct in a lawyer. 

Some lawyers seem to think they must necessarily be a kind of 
devils or political jugglers, but, surely, dishonesty is as inconsist- 
ent with the proper duties of their profession, as that of any other.* 

Finally, lawyers are among the best or worst members of soci- 
ety, just as they vary in their natural inclinations, and in the pos- 

*As au apology for adopting- the general policy of the profession, 
against the best dictates of the human senses, some have said, that, were 
they to have done otherways, the whole bar, and even bench, in most in- 
stances, would not only be at war with them in their practice, but most 
probably they would prevent them from being admitted to practice before 
the different courts ! To understand this, the reader must recollect, what 
he probably well knows, that lawyers are in the habit of forming them- 
selves into a club called the " bar ;" who, in conjunction with the judg- 
es, — (who are generally of the same profession,) examine and admit, or 
permit to practice the profession of law, whomsoever they please ! 

This I presume is an assumed restriction, for I have no recollection of 
any legislative act to that purpose. 



536 REMARKS OX GOVERNMENT, No. 1. 

session and final exercise of their talents and professional skill.— 
When they stand forth the bold and faithful advocates of truth, 
justice, virtue, liberty, and human excellence — the defenders of 
individual rights and personal security — the sincere and judicious 
opposers of fraud, persecution, oppression and cruelty — the con- 
sistent friends and promoters of human improvement, and of na- 
tional independence and prosperity : Then lawyers become the 
real friends and benefactors of mankind, and deserve to be esteem- 
ed and rewarded accordingly. But when lawyers are the willing 
instruments of fraud, persecution, oppression and cruelty — when 
they study to excite, aid and prolong unnecessary difficulties and 
contentions in society, that they may be benefitted by the result — 
when they designedly facilitate the escape of rogues or confirmed 
villains, to the injury of the better part of community — when they 
labor to excite and harden the worst passions of human nature, 
at the expense and ruin of the best — study to nurse and indulge 
vice and indolence, at the expense and destruction of i irtue and 
industry — and finally to build up depravity and despotism, upon 
the downfall and ruins of virtue and human liberty : Then I say 
lawyers deserve the execrations of mankind, as the leading wolves 
and vultures of society — the actual prompters and defenders of 
villainy. 

What an opportunity there is now offered to the better class of 
lawyers to immortalize themselves, by reducing all the vague, 
complex and absurd systems of law, into one simple and definite 
code, suited to the general wants and capacities of the people, 
and to assist in carrying the same into general effect ! It is believ- 
ed that this is already the design of many, and that the object 
will be accomplished, by the general interest it has in view. 



Remarks on Government , No. 1. 

A well regulated community, is a compact between individu- 
als, entered into for mutual accommodation and advantage, whereby 



REMARKS ON GOVERNMENT, No. 1. 137 

each individual member is justly bound to perform a part, corres- 
ponding to his advantages and abilities. 

I should therefore be inclined to doubt the honesty of any man, 
who studies to enjoy the protection and advantages of government, 
without contributing his part. 

Those who will not support government by their military servi- 
ces, rendered personally or otherwise, when properly required of 
them, should not be permitted to exercise the responsible and man- 
ly privileges of ereemen — to vote, and direct government. Some 
would go farther, and say they ought to be compelled to wear pet- 
ticoats, and let public spirited and resolute women take the breech- 
es ! 

There is something so unjust and absurd, in the idea that one 
man is better than another — entitled to more peivileges, merely from 
the circumstances of his birth, fortune, creed, or profession, that 
I can hardly persuade myself any rational being would, voluntari- 
ly and understandingly, be subject to its exactions. 

We certainly profess to allow of no privileged orders or distinc- 
tions in this country ; but do we not practice in direct contradic- 
tion, when we exempt from military duty, the whole number of a 
sect, merely because they dress, and profess to think, different 
from other people, in a few particulars 1 

However the language and dress of mankind may vary, we all 
possess essentially the same passions and inclinations : and, be- 
cause some do not give scope to their feelings in open warfare, is 
no evidence they do not indulge them at all. 

For my part, I dread a secret and sly enemy, the worst of all. 

It is easy to put on a plain tongue, and garment ; and by expe- 
rience, one may acquire 

" skill to grace 
A devil's purpose, with an angel's face." 

The sect commonly called quakers, have certainly some habits 
and customs, highly commendable, and deservedly entitled to gen- 
eral encouragement and adoption. But are they to be exempt 

from a common <luty, on account thereof? or cannot they practice 

18 



138 REMARKS ON GOVERNMENT, No. l. 

their good habits, without refusing to bear arms in defence of life, 
liberty, and property ? 

It would appear equally absurd, in my estimation, to refuse a 
support of the civil, as the military authority of the country, under 
" conscientious scruples" of aiding the shedding of blood, for the 
military is the actual support of the civil authority, without which 
it could not be maintained, and blood is frequently shed in carry- 
ing the laws into effect. 

Justice is appropriately represented with a balance in one hand 
and a sword in the other. 

The spirit of resistance to impending injuries, is the immutable 
law of God, implanted in the human frame for self preservation ; 
and justly considered, it authorizes nothing that is inconsistent 
with the character of a christian, or good citizen. 

There is something extremely absurd, in refusing, under pre- 
tended scruples of conscience, to perform common military train- 
ing, or to pay the fines required for a delinquency thereof — which 
have, in fact, a direct tendency to prevent war-like aggressions ; 
while the same people, pay other imposts and taxes, comprehending 
those commonly called war duties, and war taxes , levied by the 
states and general government, for the express purpose of provid- 
ing munitions of war, and to pay people for fighting.— There is 
scarcely an imported article used, on which there is not something 
taxed for the general support of the civil and military expenses 
and operations of government. 

Mr. Cummings, an Englishman, of the sect called quakers, 
" plotted and headed a military expedition against a French settle- 
ment in Africa. This conduct he justified, as perfectly consistent 
with his religious principles ;" because he presumed, and it so hap- 
pened, that it was a " bloodless victory." 

Numerous conquests, both by sea and land, have been made un- 
der military expeditions, without the mere shedding of blood ; and 
it may always be presumed to be the case, whenever it suits our 
convenience. Warlike sieges, however, often produce consequen- 
ces far more horrible to society, than the mere shedding of blood. 
Such, for example, as corrupting, and enslaving mankind ; the 
painful and protracted anxieties of the besieged, during their per- 



REMARKS ON GOVERNMENT, No. 2. 139 

iious condition : famine, pestilence, and the like, resulting from a 
confined and restricted situation. 

These remarks finally lead to the conclusion, that there is some- 
thing more like bigotry, cowardice, and avarice, in these scruples 
of conscience, than of virtuous and enlightened religion. 

If all the people in the United States were quakerized — that is, 
should they all be disarmed and refuse to bear arms in defence of 
life, liberty and property, as the quakers do, what in all probabili- 
ty would ultimately be our fate 1 

May not the haughty and corrupt foes of our national liberty 
and independence, say, in truth, that " Every quaker made in the 
United States, not only disarms a foe, but two to one produces a 
friend to monarchy." 

Passive obedience and non-resistance, is all that the most despot- 
ic governments generally require of their subjects. 

I most sincerely wish the whole world of mankind were Friends, 
or Quakers ; in which case there would not be any need of bear- 
ing arms against our fellow men. But, until mankind are com- 
pletely civilized, or become the subjects of truth, justice and rea- 
son, the wolves and vultures of society, must be kept off, entrapped, 
hunted down and checked or destroyed, by force of arms. 



Remarks on Government, No. 2 



Energy, without reason, is tyranny ; but just and necessary laws 
and regulations, executed with promptness and fidelity, are the 
sacred guardians of individual and public safety, happiness and 
prosperity. 

Partiality is the very bane of human confidence. Every ser- 
vice rendered the public, should be paid or compensated, as nigh 
as possible in proportion to their actual merits : — 

If more is given than merited, it induces unwarrantable exer- 
tions to obtain public office or employ ; and if less is allowed than 
strict justice demands, it produces neglect of duty, and renders 
an excuse for mischievous perquisites. 



140 REMARKS ON GOVERNMENT. No. 3. 

Jurors should be paid as amply, in proportion to what they mer- 
it, as judges of a higher grade ; soldiers as well as officers, and so 
on, every service rendered the public. 

Justice satisfies every reasonable expectation, and 
strikes a terror on fraud. 

I hardly know which is most to be dreaded, in those invested 
with the government of a country, too much severity, or too much 
lenity ; for the former restricts and punishes without justice or 
reason, and the latter indulges injustice and transgression, and ex- 
cites evil passions, by not laying them under proper restraint. 

An extreme arbitrary or despotic government, or exercise of 
power, stifies or deforms the noblest impulse of human genius and 
acquirements ; and an extreme imbecile or profligate government, 
or exercise of public authority, leaves virtue and merit unguarded, 
by neglecting to punish and restrain the evil minded and worst 
part of community. 

There is very little difference, between the effects of despotism 
and anarchy. In one case, the professed rulers are the aggressors 
on human rights, and in the other, the unruly become the pests of 
society. 

An extreme weak or profligate government, may sometimes be 
truly said to grant a bounty for indolence and treachery, and to tax 
virtue and industry to pay the bounty. They seem ultimately to 
say, 

" Free pardon and favor for rogues — restrictions and taxes for 
honest men — Honest men we can drive, but rogues we must buy, 
or some how make them partners of our power and privileges." 



Remarks on Government, No. 3. 

It matters little, indeed, with the good and faithful citizen, 
whether his person is assaulted and his earnings wrested from 
him without justice or remedy, by a vicious and unrestrained pop- 
ulace, or individuals calling themselves republicans, or by a 
haughty and overgrown despot. His wounds in each case are 



REMARKS ON GOVERNMENT, No. 3. 141 

painful, his losses afflicting, and his case without remedy. There 
is this difference, however : — in case of a deficiency of legal or 
popular restraint, the remedy is with the people ; but in case of 
abuses from arbitrary power, the cause of the good citizen is hope- 
less. Truth and reason dare not hold up their heads. Remon- 
strance is unknown. 

Legislators, chosen from among the common people, in conven- 
ient districts, and frequently changed, have many and important 
advantages : — they would have similar interests with their constit- 
uents — as well as know their minds and situations, truly and feel- 
ingly ; and being but a short time in office, they would hardly 
have time, or a disposition, to plot and effect unequal measures. 

In order to have a people truly represented, the number of rep- 
resentatives should be apportioned among the different interests 
throughout a state or district, so as to have every considerable 
trade, profession or branch of business, duly represented by those 
who know and. feel their concerns, truly. 

It would be difficult to persuade me, that any man was fit to 
manage the public concerns, who had not proved his patriotism, 
and abilities, by the able and judicious practice or management of 
some useful profession or calling in society. 

Were we to respect men, merely because they possess talents, 
without aay regard to their application, even the devil might be 
honoured. 

To entrust the chief officers of a state or nation with money for 
secret and indefinite purposes, is eventually licensing their use of 
poison, for the assassination of whom they please. 

Is it not a little remarkable, that governments are inclined to 
grow worse — become more unequal, arbitrary and unjust, while all 
other sciences are generally improved for the better, with the pro- 
gress of time ? Is it not because mankind generally put too much 
confidence in the mere professions of their fellow-men — permit the 
biggest hypocrites and knaves to watch over their concerns — trust 
the wolves to guard the sheep 1 

Virtuous and enlightened minds, are attached and held togeth- 
er, by mutual esteem, and a sense of equity, and public usefulness ; 
and vicious ones, by fear and policy. The latter often dare not 



142 JUDICIARY CENSOR, No. I. 

quarrel or separate, for fear of having their own transactions or 
characters exposed or brought to light. 

Hence a league of unprincipled men — more especially if in 
power, are perhaps the strongest, and certainly the most to be 
dreaded by the friends of justice and humanity, of any associa- 
tion of human beings. 

We sometimes see public agents amass fortunes, by violating 
the duties of their stations, and yet avoid punishment. This cer- 
tainly never should be the case ; for if the whole united public 
cannot bring an individual offender to justice, what could an indi- 
vidual do in defence of his rights ? But when the public agents 
are generally inclined to be treacherous, they can assist and favour 
each other, by connivance, and playing into each other's hands, 
alternately, and avoid punishment — if the 'people will wink at such 
conduct, and neglect to employ the best means in their power to 
punish offenders, and to prevent like occurrences in future. 

" Ah !" said a league of gamblers, " if we had the making and 
administration of the laws, gambling should be the most honour- 
able profession." 



Judiciary Censor, No. 1. 

There is nothing, perhaps, which attaches the hearts of good 
men, more strongly to the interest of a state or country, than the 
security of personal rights, and the easy and certain access to 
justice ; which are the result of good and sufficient laws, faith- 
fully and judiciously administered. 

But, as individuals who suffer injustice, generally consider it too 
great a task for them to remove the cause, the evil progresses, and 
its authors thrive, until the calamity becomes general. 

This evil, I think, might be prevented, in a great measure, by 
appointing a suitable number of jit persons, in every state or dis- 
trict, to act as censors of the laws and constitutions, both of the 
states and general government. It should be the duty of the cen- 
sors s to notice every error or deficiency of the laws, and constitu- 



JUDICIARY CENSOR, No. 1. 143 

tions, and particularly unsuccessful attempts to obtain justice in 
courts of law, and, if possible, find out the cause and report a 
remedy. 

KEEr THE FOUNTAINS OF JUSTICE PURE AND EFFICIENT. 

What is the price of justice — may it be had on demand — with- 
out respect to persons or property ? are the questions, that would 
naturally arise in the mind of a sensible and good man, in pursuit 
of a country to live in ; for that excellent production of human 
virtue and wisdom, (justice,) is seldom to be found under an 
excessive climate, or in a barren or unhealthy country. 

Weak or insufficient laws, or laws unfaithfully administered, are 
often worse than none. They only restrain the weakest and most 
harmless capacities in society ; while they seem to offer a bounty, 
or free pardon, to those who have the ability to commit injustice in 
such a manner as to evade the final penalty of the law. 

The laws are generally much less in fault, than those who have 
the chief power and influence in administering them. It is 
they who study to favour those of their own craft and condition in 
society. Here is the place to apply the principal remedies. 

It must indeed be confessed, that so far as the professed guar- 
dians of justice and human liberty, bind up the innocent and faul- 
ty in one common bond, and extort their sacrifices and prolong 
their miseries together, so far, at least, they act a very unbecoming 
part. 

The censors should be chosen of those, who, from habit and 
situation, participate in the common interests and welfare of soci- 
ety. 

I very much doubt the propriety of trusting any man, or set of 
men, to make and administer laws, who thrive on public calami- 
ty, or who are interested in unnecessary perplexities and delays of 
justice. 



144 JUDICIARY CENSOR, No, 2, 

Judiciary Censor, No. 2. 

Every thing that has a tendency to interrupt the necessary and 
peaceable pursuits of mankind, or to embarrass the progress of 
justice, should be regarded as an evil of serious national tendency 
and concern. 

Justice, is the professed end and object of all law ; and when- 
ever that is not attained by the ordinary proceedings or final decis- 
ions of courts of law, there should be an efficient remedy provided 
and applied * for why should individuals be wronged, or suffer 
injustice without remedy, because it has been effected under color 
of law, any more than if it had been done without that ceremony. 

Every unnecessary trouble, and expense, occasioned by law pro- 
ceedings, is worse than a total sacrifice, as it regards society gen- 
erally ; for the time, trouble and expense, are not only so much 
loss to the parties concerned, in the first place, but the amount so 
expended generally goes to strengthen and encourage the wolves 
and vultures of society — a craft that is preying upon the very best 
interests of this community. 

Unjust decisions of courts, have a most powerful tendency to 
weaken the cause of justice and humanity : — The person who is 
wronged thereby, not only loses his confidence in the protection 
and security of the laws ; but is often induced, thereby, to become 
the aggressor — from desperate motives of retaliation, or from a 
conviction that dishonesty has become the best policy ; and the 
person who is favored by the unjust decision, will very natually 
feel an exultation and encouragement, in his unrighteous course. 

The example of the evasions of justice, on those who are not 
immediately concerned, must obviously be very pernicious to so- 
ciety. 

Courts are in fact too often attended by a set of idle specula- 
tors, or villains, who are studying out the crooks and quibbles of 
law proceedings, to take the advantage of them. 

Peaceable, honest and industrious men, frequently hate the very 
sight of a court of law — as the good man's worst foe — places of 
intrigue, deception, robbery, persecution and oppression. 



JUDICIARY CENSOR, No. 2. 145 

The corrupt influence and effect of court policy, has always 
been considered as most fatally hostile to the general cause of 
truth, justice, virtue and human liberty. And yet, it seems quite 
a matter of calculation, already, with many in this country, to car- 
ry on some secret, or outdoor intrigue or management, in order to 
prejudice or influence the court in their favor. 

The progress of law has been rendered so tedious, expensive, 
vexatious and uncertain, as to disgust, and fairly sicken the better 
part of community. 

There is scarcely a virtuous and enlightened, or well informed 
member of society, who is not interested in the abuses referred to, 
that does not dread the corrupt and unrestrained power and in- 
fluence of lawyers, and tremble for the consequences. The only 
question is, how shall they be properly restrained and corrected ? 
I answer, by appointing and putting over them judiciary censors, 
as is herein provided. Then, lawyers violating the proper duties 
of their profession, would be brought to justice and corrected, like 
other men. They, too, would then be subjects of law — but now 
they are mainly masters of law. 

If men of other professions violate their duties and engage- 
ments, to your injury, the laws afford some remedy ; but if a law- 
yer violates his duty or engagement to the injury, or even ruin 
of his client, the latter has no adequate and practicable remedy. 

An able and independent review of our judiciary proceedings, 
bestowing applause, or censure, wherever they were merited, 
would do more to promote final justice, and the general good of 
mankind, than all the hinting and squinting at the subject, that 
•ever appeared in our half enslaved public prints. 

The censors should review the conduct of the lawyers, as well 
as judges — notice the suits they institute, and resist — their manage- 
ment of cases — their conduct and decorum in the examina- 
tion of witnesses, pleadings, &,c. This would prune the bar, of 
much of the filth and excresences that are now permitted to flour- 
ish there — do away that bullying, blackguarding, and quibbling, 
as well as the sophistry, intrigue, &n& juggling, that too general- 
ly disgraces our judicial proceedings ; and ultimately bring up a 
truly honorable and useful set of men. 

19 



146 JUDICIARY CENSOR, No. 3. 

In the present case, we commit oar lives, liberties, reputation? 
and fortunes, to the chief management and control of lawyers, 
who are lawless in their demands, and under no practicable re- 
straint or accountability for their conduct or management of our 
concerns. — Not even common censure, for who dare say a word 
openly against these knights of craft and terror — who hold the laws 
as a rod in their own hands, to rule and ruin, whom they please. 



Judiciary Censor, No. 3. 

There should be one censor for every county or judicial dis- 
trict in a state, to attend courts of record within the same ; who 
should be chosen annually by the freemen or electors thereof. 

The censors should be men of good general information — de- 
termined republicans in principle, and possessed of sufficient in- 
tegrity and independence of mind to do their duty without fear or 
affection. 

They should be allowed ample salaries ; and their office should 
be considered next in dignity and importance to the governor or 
chief executive magistrate of the state. 

The censors' seat or station in court, should be at the right hand 
of the judges, or some where between them and the jury, so as to 
be situated as conveniently as possible to witness the general pro- 
ceedings of the court ; they should there notice and record what- 
ever might be thought essential to their general purposes, to the 
end that the progress of justice might be rendered as sure, expe- 
ditious, and economical as possible. 

The censors should have no control over, or interference with, 
the proceedings of the court ; but to witness, as privileged specta- 
tors, and ascertain and report, any part of their transactions that 
should be considered remarkable, or susceptible of improvement. 

The censors should be regarded as the direct agents of the 
people, to witness the execution of the laws, and to improve 
the road to justice ; and should be rendered as independent as 






JUDICIARY CENSOR, No. 3. 147 

possible of all other power or control, but that of their constitu- 
ents — the sovereign people. 

The censors might depute persons to act for them occasionally, 
in case of their being sick or unable to attend court in person. 

They should always be bound to attend to any well authentica- 
ted complaint, or statement of facts, materially concerning the bu- 
siness of their appointment. 

At the close of every judicial year, commencing at some con- 
venient period, the censors from the several judicial districts, 
should meet at some central and proper part of the state, and 
there select, arrange and publish in a volume, a digest, or the sub- 
stance of their annual review, of the principal judicial transac- 
tions and concerns of the state — noticing every thing worthy of 
particular reproof, approbation or improvement, in the general 
character, commencement, management and termination, of suits; 
the conduct of judges, lawyers, sheriffs, parties, witnesses, or oth- 
ers. They should notice the errors or imperfections of the laws, 
and constitutions, both of their respective states, and of the gen- 
eral government, when within their view. Every thing, in fine, 
that has a tendency to create unnecessary expenses, perplexities 
and delays of justice ; and point out every improvement that might 
be considered practicable, in rendering the way to justice, as 
sure, expeditious and economical as possible. So that the legisla- 
tors in their next session, might be enabled to enact measures to 
promote the general object in view. 

The laws do indeed profess to protect our lives, liberties, repu- 
tations and fortunes ; but when they become the medium of evil 
excitements — the instruments of fraud, persecution and oppression, 
it is high time there should be an effectual remedy pointed out and 
applied. 

One virtuous and enlightened judiciary censor, to witness the 
progress and final result of law proceedings, with a penetrating 
and steady view to correct and improve the same, would do more 
to remove the evils complained of, than a host of legislators, with- 
out him. 

These censors would do more to perfect and expedite correct 



148 JUDICIARY CENSOR, No. 4. 

and efficient legislation, alone, than doubly to compensate for their 
services. 

The censors might form a body for the trial of impeached judg- 
es, and high executive officers. 



Judiciary Censor, No. 4. 

Writs, are mostly made out by lawyers, and particularly special 
writs, which are various in form, and in general, extremely cere- 
monious and hypocritical. They often contain false and malicious 
charges, and insinuations, and draw foul inferences, that if only 
made equally public, without the ceremony and sanctity of the law, 
would be considered as actionable offences. 

If the plaintiff's declaration was only a plain simple charge, or 
statement of the principal facts he complains of, made under oath, 
or affirmation, this difficulty would, in a great measure, be obvia- 
ted. 

A writ, never ought in fact to be granted at the solicitation of 
an individual, without their first making oath or affirmation to the 
truth of the matter complained of ; and the magistrate or person 
granting the writ, should be held responsible for there being law 
for grounding the action. 

The plaintiff should not only state the facts he complains of, 
fairly and truly written, and subscribe an oath or affirmation to 
the truth of his charge ; but he should have included in his writ, 
the substance, or name, at least, of the particular statute or law 
by virtue of which he claims his remedy. 

The defendant, after being duly served with a copy of the writ, 
should reply and state the grounds of his defence, or principal 
facts, in writing, and subscribe an oath or affirmation to the truth 
of the same— or, at least, he should be allowed a reasonable time 
to make such a reply, if he intends to set up any defence against 
the suit and charges ; his neglecting such a reply, without some 
special reasons to justify the same, should be construed against 
him, or considered as a fair presumption of his dishonest inten- 



JUDICIARY CENSOR. No. 4. 149 

tions, and always terminated to his disadvantage, in a merited and 
just degree. 

In all disputable causes, where the nature of the case will ad- 
mit, or justify the attempt, the plaintiff should not be permitted to 
litigate, or proceed to a trial of the case, without first having made 
a fair effort, (either before the suit was brought, or in good season 
previous to the time of trial,) to effect a compromise or peaceable 
settlement of the matter in dispute.* 

As suits of law are now conducted, lawyers are enabled to lead 
the parties blindfold into vexatious and ruinous contests ; which 
the parties might avoid, by being made acquainted with the actual 
state of the case, in good season to effect a compromise or peacea- 
ble settlement, before the time of trial. 

It is quite common, in our courts, for parties to be surprised, on 
trial, with testimony or other matter in evidence, which they 
might easily have confuted or done away, had they been given 
timely notice of the same ; and thereby avoided the injustice re- 
sulting from false evidence. New or second trials, are often had to 
correct the errors of such blind proceedings. 

Each of the parties being in possession of the actual state of 
the case — that is, the defendant being furnished with a copy of the 
plaintiff's charge, the law by virtue of which he claims his remedy, 
together with the principal facts or evidence in support of his 
charge, and the plaintiff, in return, being duly served with the de- 
fendant's reply, including the chief evidence on which he grounds 
his defence, a reasonable time before the trial ; the parties would 
be enabled to see their own situations, and, whether they w.ere in 
the wrong intentionally or other ways, they would be much more 
likely to compromise or settle their differences peaceably, and 
avoid the trouble, expense, and uncertain issue of a protracted 
controversy. i 

There should always be an honourable encouragement held out 
to induce parties at variance to compromise or settle their differ- 



* One of the articles of the (late) Spanish constitution, expressly de- 
clares that a suit at law cannot be brought, until conciliatory measures 
have first been resorted to. 



150 JUDICIARY CENSOR, No. 5. 

ences peaceably. Such settlements often deserve a friendly no- 
tice in public newspapers, especially when effected after an action 
had been commenced and the cause aggravated, so as to disturb 
the ordinary peace of society, or to endanger the ultimate good of 
the parties at variance. Certainly every thing that has a tendency 
to promote the harmony, and prosperity of society generally, as 
well the honour and good of individuals, is deserving of the notice 
of a faithful public sentinel.* 

When one has been misled, by ignorance or passion, it is one 
of the noblest traits of the human character, to correct ourselves: 

If my neighbour, through a hasty or mistaken impression, or to 
^gratify a crooked or overbearing disposition, institutes a suit 
against me — a desire manifested on my part to avoid the trouble, 
vexation and expense of a protracted, aggravating and unnecessa- 
ry contest, by an immediate and peaceable compromise, or refer- 
ence of the matter at variance, would, most probably, under pres- 
ent circumstances, be artfully construed into a confessed fear, or 
deficiency, on the grounds of my defence, instead of a just, paci- 
fic and wise sense of duty, both as a Christian and good citizen. 



Judiciary Censor, No. 5. 

There should always be an inducement held out to invite crim- 
inal and other offenders to a voluntary confession ; and if for no 
other purpose than to save the state or individuals the trouble and 
expense of a trial ;t but the example of ordinary trials, too often 

* Where are all our peace societies, and Christians, when neighbours 
war, and the enemy are preying- upon the very vitals of civil society ? 
Is nothing but external warfare regarded as worthy of their notice ? — 
Surely, one internal foe to the peace, happiness and prosperity of socie- 
ty, is more to be apprehended than a dozen external enemies. 

A peace-maker, is truly a Heavenly character. Have lawyers artful- 
ly blinded our eyes against this important and Christian duty ? 

f At the annual meeting of the society for the prevention of pauperism, 
in the city of New York, December, 1823 ; it is recorded, among the 
addresses and statements made to the society, and particularly in regard 



JUDICIARY CENSOR, No. 5. 151 

confirms new offenders, and excites them to farther and more 
dangerous efforts, and to rely upon new stratagems for success. 

" Don't plead guilty — give me the money ! and let them prove 
the fact, if they can," said a lawyer, to a young man, who had 
participated in the division of a sum of money, without knowing 
the offence attending its possession, and who was disposed to con- 
fess and explain the whole matter, as far as he was knowing to the 
transactions. 

The laws were professedly made for the restraint and correction 
of evil passions ; but how often are they perverted into instruments 
of the basest excitement and indulgence. 

Actions, brought without any just, necessary or sufficient cause ; 
suits unnecessarily repeated in the same case, or aggravated, or 
continued to an excessive or unreasonable length or degree ; and 
every other malicious, vexatious or unnecessary trouble, delay, or 
expense, occasioned by either party, in necessary suits, should all 
be provided for with costs and reasonable damages : for why should 
one man suffer without remedy, from the ignorance, negligence, 
malice or treachery of others 1 

If only the suits that originate in malice and treachery, togeth- 
er with the unnecessary delays, vexations, troubles and expenses 
that are indulged in necessary suits, were properly punished and 
discontinued, more than one half of the present business and gains 
of lawyers and' others concerned in promoting litigation, would 
cease. 

Under the present perverted state of the laws, and the abuses 
of litigation, every man of middling or small property, exists, as it 
were, at the will and pleasure of his more wealthy or numerous 
foes, who can, at their option, harrass and perplex him with law- 
suits, to his ruin. 

The whole profession of lawyers, may be personal enemies to an 
individual, as the case frequently is, on account of his political 
opinion, undertakings, or ideas of their professional policy — -as 

to a " refuge for juvenile offenders, before the society of abandoned had 
received them. That this, upon a moderate calculation, would annually 
save the city g30,000 ; for the conviction of every felon was an expense 
to the city of #150.'» 



152 JUDICIAPY CENSOR, No. G. 

the priesthood of some of the old countries are, to those who see 
through their policy and designs, and have virtue and courage 
enough to expose them. And yet, under existing circumstances, 
lawyers have the almost sovereign control of all litigious investiga- 
tions : So that, as the case now seems to be, a man, under such 
circumstances, is liable to be tried, and to have his case managed 
by his most bitter and designing personal enemies. But few 
people, who are not professional lawyers, are sufficiently acquaint- 
ed with all the ceremonies, quirks and quibbles of law proceedings, 
to manage their own cases ; and even if they should undertake to 
do without the aid or assistance of lawyers, it is probable the 
whole craft would combine against them, openly, or secretly. 

This is certainly a most dangerous and highly alarming state in 
our political concerns — an evil that is increasing, and is daily prey- 
ing upon the virtue, liberty and independence of the best mem- 
bers of this republican community, and loudly demands a speedy 
and efficient remedy. 



Judiciary Censor, No. 6. 

As the judicial or court business of our country is now con- 
ducted, the parties in cases intended for trial, are generally obliged 
to hire lawyers to stand sentry, as it were, at court, from day to 
day, during the same term, and sometimes for several terms in 
succession, merely to answer whenever their particular case hap- 
pens to be called — that the parties should not be unintentionally 
defaulted, or nonsuited. This trouble and expense might be ea- 
sily avoided, by the parties giving due notice, in writing, of their 
determination to stand trial, and by the courts seasonably fixing 
the time for each case. The same regulation will save the par- 
ties, and witnesses, the trouble and expense of more than one jour- 
ney and attendance at court, on the same trial, and from unneces- 
sary detention at court, waiting for trials to commence. If either 
party neglect their compliance with such engagements and regu- 
lations, let them suffer a just punishment, by being defaulted, or 



JUDICIARY CENSOR, No. 6. 153 

nonsuited, and always obliged to pay all the unnecessary trouble and 
expense they have occasioned the adverse party. For, surely no 
man ought to suffer for the faults or deficiences of others. 

Written testimony speaks an unequivocal language, that can 
not easily be denied, or misunderstood ; but the extraordinary 
excitement, bluster and confusion of a trial at court, or the ordinary 
examination of witnesses there, often produces extremely doubtful 
results ; and at the same time occasions considerable unnecessary 
delay, trouble and expense. Besides, there are but a small pro- 
portion of mankind who can go before a public assembly and tell 
a straight and consistent story, right off, more especially when 
touched or attacked every moment by litigious jugglers, black- 
guards and bullies. 

It is often attended with considerable unnecessary trouble and 
expense, for witnesses to attend court and be there examined, and 
particularly when their testimony is only required to eke out 
some formality, or to establish or support some single point or 
fact. 

Some have indeed denied their knowledge or recollection of 
important facts, merely from a dread of going before a court to 
testify, and be there publicly browbeat, insulted, and twisted. 

Men of considerable power and influence, are sometimes per- 
mitted to give their testimony in writing, while others similarly 
situated in every other respect, are refused the indulgence. 

The general substance of testimony, at least to all important 
facts, should be written down and signed by the witness, whether 
taken in, or out of court, and especially if requested by either 
party ; so that perjury might be more readily detected, without 
being subject to the ordinary equivocations and escapes ; and so 
that the same deposition or evidence might be identified and em- 
ployed again, if necesssary, in other courts, and in different ca- 
ses. 

It is often attended with enormous risk, trouble and expense, to 
obtain depositions from any considerable distance abroad, espe- 
cially out of the state where the court is to sit. 

It generally seems as though courts and lawyers study to make 
as great a bluster and parade as possible ; and that lawyers often 

20 



154 JUDICIARY CENSOR, No. 6. 

occasion their own clients, a great deal of unnecessary trouble and 
expense. 

And after all, most of the suits litigated are only scummed over 
— not examined to their origin and foundation, or real cause : ei- 
ther from the indolence or inability of the inquisitors, or oftener 
perhaps from a fear of resulting against their own policy and in- 
terest. — The indulgence of vicious transgressors must be connived 
at and encouraged, or mankind will find that honesty is truly the 
best policy, and cease to resist justice from design, or to practice 
and encourage deceit, fraud and crimes. 

Witnesses to important facts, and perhaps all witnesses in cases 
of considerable interest and excitement, especially when there are 
more than one to testify on the same subject or matters of fact, 
should be examined separately, for hearing each others stories, 
prevents them from unintentional contradiction, and defeats the 
ultimate detection of much false swearing. It also excites treach- 
ery in persons of wavering integrity. 

If every person who was called upon to testify to important mat- 
ter, was required to sign the same, or at least the written substance 
of the testimony, and knew that it would be preserved, after being 
publicly read in court — they would be much more cautious of testi- 
fying falsely. 

It should be a common and indispensable privilege, secured to 
all classes, the right and opportunity of acknowledging actions for 
the security and collection of debts, so as to facilitate the final ex- 
ecution of justice, without any unnecessary delay, trouble or ex- 
pense. And no method of keeping off justice, should be licensed 
or indulged, in the actions or omissions of judges, lawyers, sher- 
iffs, or any persons entrusted with the execution of the laws. 

Suppose a court composed of three or more justices of the peace, 
agreeable to the nature and magnitude of the case, to sit at regu- 
lar periods, or to be called together as occasion might require, and 
serve as a court of record, (every tribunal should be a court of 
record,) in every considerable township or district for the purpose, 
and try cases of a certain magnitude and description, with power 
to grant execution to unlimited amount, for indisputable claims. 
Such a tribunal would not only enabble our citizens to avoid most 



JUDICIARY CENSOR, No. 6 255 

of the delays, trouble and expense of going a considerable distance 
to a county house, but would be quite as likely to do justice in the 
end, as any of our present established courts. Perhaps it might 
be adviseable to employ a jury in addition, in disputable cases of 
certain magnitude. A judicious arrangement of such a court 
or counsel of justices, would be ultimately bringing good and 
wholesome justice nigher to our own doors ; and every year would 
be adding essentially to the general knowledge, and ultimate per- 
fection of the plan. 

Every judicial decision of a disputable cause, however small in 
magnitude or amount, should, particularly at the request of either 
party, be attended with a definite written opinion of the court, ju- 
ry, or whoever acted as judges in the case — showing the facts, 
and the law, that governed their conclusions ; so that, if there 
were any just and well grounded exceptions, they might be filed as 
errors in the finding or decision, to be submitted in writing, for 
the review and final correction of the same, or a higher council or 
authority. 

Giving decisions in gross, has been the cause of innumerable 
errors, and great injustice, both from ignorance, accident, and 
design, and must naturally involve judicial proceedings in endless 
darkness and error. It seems difficult to believe that such a course 
ever was contemplated by our legislative law makers. If a man 
knows what law he judges by, and the facts in evidence that 
rules his decision, he certainly can tell them and explain him- 
self. 

The treatment of our juries, is anti-republican, and highly im- 
proper ; and the usage they often experience from some invested 
with judicial authority, betrays a deadly hostility to this essential 
agency of justice and human liberty. 

There certainly is no justice, and I can see no reason, in giv- 
ing one set of men, delegated to sit in judgment upon the affairs 
of their fellow men, a permanent and high salary, and in occa- 
sionally snatching others from their daily occupations and con- 
cerns, to try cases, without allowing them, hardly enough to defray 
their necessary expences. 

Juries are often overruled, or worried into compliance with the 



156 JUDICIARY CENSOB, No. 7. 

opinion of the court, and their opinions and influence thus trifled 
with or destroyed. Sometimes we see it announced to the public, 
after stating the particulars of the case, that the judge directed 
the jury to find a bill for, the plaintiff, or defendant, as the case 
may be. 

How absurd is it, too, to compel the whole number of a jury to 
agree ! and, as the case is in some places, to shut them up, like 
brutes, or felons, or starve them into compliance ! 

Why not take the opinion of the jury, (in writing, and each one 
separately, if necessary,) before they leave the court room ? and 
have the opinion of a certain majority, be decisive 1 According 
to the Spanish constitution, (of 1820,) eight of the twelve jury- 
men agreeing in their decision of a case, is sufficient. 

In the^present case, while the juries are shut up by themselves, 
if you can get one of them, of a suitable character, on your side, 
he may juggle the rest into compliance with his will, or outhog, 
the whole ! 



Judiciary Censor, No. 7. 

Encouragement for Litigation. — Those who commence law suits y 
have apparently many and important advantages. The plaintiff* 
or person who commences an action, generally takes every possi- 
ble advantage of the case, in the points and position set forth in 
his writ and declaration. He also takes his choice of lawyers — 
courts — judges, in many instances — times and places ; and, in 
some places, he can attach all the defendant's property, and body 
too, if he chooses — with, or without any justifiable cause !* 

* There is sometimes a kind of despotism exercised in this way over 
fellow-beings, that is absolutely abhorrent to the human feelings. 

Is there any other country where human liberty is held so cheap, as in 
some parts of this boasted land of liberty — where one may seize his fel- 
low-man, and confine him in prison under a pretext of debt, without the 
fact, or even probability being- first ascertained ; and, on his being final- 
ly cleared from the charge, in most instances at least, he is left without 



JUDICIARY CENSOR, No. 7. 157 

Where the plaintiff or his lawyers, are allowed to make the 
first and last plea, in arguing a case, there is an undue, and of- 
ten powerful advantage, over the defendant ; and no doubt this 
practice has been indulged to encourage the unjust and unneces- 
sary institution of lawsuits. 

Quibbles. — In order to encourage litigation as much as possible, 
it seems, a number of different pleas are allowed in defence of 
the same case. 

I remember an instance, in one of the high state courts, where- 
in damages were claimed for the non-fulfilment of a plain written 
contract, signed and sealed in the presence of two reputable 
and subscribing witnesses, wherein the defendant was permitted 
to set up three different and distinct pleas in his defence — either of 
which, proving true, would have been sufficient. In the first 
plea, the delendant denied the execution of the contract, (his sig- 
nature must have been a forgery , then, and ought to have been 
given as a final plea ;) in the second plea, the defendant owned 
he executed the contract, but that it had been fulfilled and dis- 
charged; and in the third plea, the defendant owned he exe- 
cuted the contract, and that it had never been fulfilled or dis- 
charged, but that his not fulfilling of it was no damage to the 
plaintiff. 

Were any person, voluntarily to tell such a story in his own 
private dealings, justification or defence, he would be considered 



any adequate and practicable remedy for the actual cost, trouble — indig- 
nity and injury done his person and property. 

It is humiliating and degrading- to the character of a freeman or re- 
publican citizen, to be seized and dragged to prison like a felon, for no 
other fault than merely owing a sum of money beyond his immediate 
means of payment. At least, some probable cause of fraud or malcon- 
duct should be officially ascertained, before the keys of a prison should 
be turned upon a human, rational being. 

What becomes of our boasted security against injustice, oppression 
and cruelty, defined by our national and state bills of right, constitu- 
tions, laws &c. — wherein it is defined, that no man shall be molested or 
injured in his person or property, without just cause ? that excessive bail 
shall not be required, &c. — where is the remedy, or guard against these 
abuses? Certainly it is not in the general disposition, interests, or con- 
duct of our judges and lawyers, to be just and humane. 



158 JUDICIARY CENSOR, No. 7. 

as a most detestable lying scoundrel. And yet, it seems this is 
all considered fair and honourable in law proceedings. No mat- 
ter he w much unnecessary trouble and expense is made the par- 
ties ; nor what crooked, hypocritical examples are established, or 
corrupt unprincipled excitements are held out, or indulged — pro- 
vided lawyers can share well in the general spoil, and sow the 
seeds of future litigation for their continued harvest ! 

Tricks of law. — The various little artifices and indulgences 
that might be appropriately defined under this title, are numer- 
ous ; and reflect shame and disgrace on many who preside in our 
courts. To exclude evidence, under some ceremonies or frivolous 
pretext, is not the least of these artifices. Just as if a court or 
jury were not to be trusted, or were not competent to determine 
whether the evidence has any connection or bearing in the case, 
or whether it has any weight of truth or consistency on its side. 

The whole truth concerning a case, ought to be admitted in evi- 
dence ; and every reasonable inquiry should be answered, made 
by a jury man, or any one who was trying a case. 

Every unnecessary or improper inquiry, evidence or explanation, 
would generally serve to tire or disgust a court, jury or whoever 
was hearing the case, and finally terminate to the disadvantage of 
the party indulging in it, especially if the transaction is duly noti- 
ced. 

At least, a general view of the cause, out of which a consider- 
able action or controversy arose, should be investigated and un- 
derstood ; and every thing that was just and reasonable should 
always be allowed in evidence or pleadings, to explain a case, 
fairly. 

The final result of many of our lawsuits, seems to depend 
more on the sophistries and other little artifices of lawyers, than 
upon the actual merits of the cases. Such differences might as 
well be settled by a cast of the die, as to the justice of their final 
result, and avoid the delay, trouble and expense of a law suit, as 
to terminate them as they often are done. 

It is certainly dangerous and absurd, to entrust an individual 
with power to cramp, circumscribe or obstruct inquiries, necessa* 
ry to the maintenance of human rights and privileges. 



JUDICIARY CENSOR, No. %. 159 

Nothing can be more absurd, than to explain to a court, open- 
ly, before the witnesses, or adverse party, the design and appli- 
cation of every inquiry, as it often enables the witness, if crooked 
or partially inclined, to defeat the very object of enquiry. He 
then sees the very point aimed at in asking him questions, and 
can generally fashion his answers to avoid crossing or catching 
himself, or injuring the party he intends to favor. 

Parties should always be allowed their oaths, and then be strict- 
ly examined : If they perjure themselves, punish them. Their 
interest in the case should be considered, and their testimony no 
farther regarded, than should appear just and reasonable, in con- 
nexion with other matter, under all the existing circumstances cf 
the case. 

Individuals are often permitted to testify in cases, wherein they 
are directly or indirectly interested in the final result, nighly or 
quite as highly as the parties themselves. 

To permit one of a party thus interested, to testify, and exclude 
the other from his oath and explanation, is often like holding down 
one and letting the other maul him ! 

Well digested and candidly written arguments, to be read or 
given into a court, jury, or whoever might have the hearing and 
decision of a case, should be encouraged. They would be like- 
ly to give a more brief, candid and fair representation and view 
of a case, than all the sophistry, quibbling, and bawling, that ev- 
er beset our courts and other public assemblies — bewildering md 
disgusting men of common intelligence and feelings : and there- 
by avoid the unnecessary confusion of a case ; — save time, ost 
and trouble, and in the end, greatly facilitate good sound and 
wholesome justice. 

Besides, and what is of the greatest consequence to the liberty, 
virtue, prosperity and happiness of mankind in general, and par- 
ticularly to the people of this republican community ; in this way, 
any competent person might write the arguments and statements 
of a case, and thereby ultimately save us from the all-grasping 
power and influence of lawyers — who often act as litigious jug- 
glers, blackguards and bullies, and absolutely murder justice and 
civil liberty. 



160 JUDICIARY CENSOR, No. 



Judiciary Censor, No. 8. 

The administration of the law, is far more important than the 
legislative authority that enacts them ; for even bad laws may be 
tendered tolerable, under the administration of persons friendly 
to the rights, liberty and happiness of mankind. But when the 
judges and lawyers have one general object in view, contrary to 
the spirit and meaning of the law, it is not difficult to see how 
they may accomplish their purposes, according to some present 
practices and indulgences, even in direct violation of the plainest 
hws. 

" You may make what laws you please, only let me interpret 
tleir meaning, and administer or carry them into effect, and I will 
generally make them answer my purpose," said a notorious cor- 
rupt and tyranical judge. 

The judges of our courts, are, in a great measure, sovereigns 
of our political rights : — 

They can declare a statute unconstitutional and refuse to en- 
force it ; they can indulge vexatious, and unnecessary suits — 
quibbles, delays, and expenses, to favor one of the parties, at the 
expense and injury of the other — or to increase the fees and pro- 
fitsof lawyers and others concerned in court expences, to the in- 
jury of both, plaintiff and defendant — (in many instances, they 
admit domestic or foreign law, as best suits their purposes ;) they 
can reject proper evidence, or admit that which is improper, and 
give a cant and coloring to favor their designs in regard to either 
party ; and finally put what construction they please, upon the 
laws, evidence, and pleadings : In some cases they absolutely 
make law, to suit themselves ! So that, in fact, there is very little 
to prevent the judges from doing pretty much as they please, in 
most of the cases that are tried and finally decided, by them. 
And even when juries are employed, the judges generally exer- 
cise a kind of authority over their proceedings, that sometimes 
amounts, nighly or quite to a decision of the case. 

In some instances, a single individual, sitting as sole judge of 
a court, can regulate and prescribe the admission of evidence, and 



JUDJCIARY*€ENSOR, No. 8. 161 

pleadings ; even that which is brought before a jury, and then 
charge the jury with such a summary of the case, (evidence, &c.) 
as best suits his own private interest, feelings and designs ; and, 
if the jury finally bring in contrary to the intentions of the judge, 
he can harangue them — testify and plead, and send them out again, 
three times in succession, in the same case. And, after all this, 
if the decision does not finally please the judge, (this little judi- 
cial sovereign on the throne of judgment,) he can grant a new 
trial, in some instances : and then, in some places, they can err 
the judgment, in their final and last resort, as members of the court 
of errors or final revision and decision of cases. 

This is certainly a dangerous, and highly improper power, to 
rest in the hands of a few individuals, who are under very little 
practicable restraint or accountability for their conduct. 

Besides, the judges of our courts, in some places, exercise the 
power of making appointments to office ; granting certain licen- 
ses, and privileges, and regulate and control prison limits. 

We employ a great number of men, some times several hundred 
in a body, to legislate and make our laws, and then submit them 
to a very few to interpret and carry into effect. There are sel- 
dom more than three or four persons in number, who control the 
final decisions of our supreme courts ; and who, not only estab- 
lish points, and give meaning to our own make of laws ; but of- 
ten adopt new principles of their own coining, and the decisions 
of foreign courts, as law, and sometimes in actual contempt of 
our legislative authority. — The creature becomes greater than its 
ereator — the little tyrant, placed upon the throne of judgment, 
almost beyond the reach of human authority and control, hurls 
defiance at those below him, and sends down vengeance, instead 
of justice, on those who dare express a doubt of his infallibil- 
ity. 

And after all, one man — the chief executive magistrate, of the 
state, or nation, as the case may be, generally has the power in- 
vested in him, if he chooses to use it, (for a good or bad purpose,) 
to suspend, or finally annul the whole, in many cases, by abating 
the penalty incurred, or by pardoning and letting loose upon soci- 
ety, even those convicted of the most base and criminal ofFenors 

n 



162 JUDICIARY CENSOR, No. 9. 

Why trust a single individual with the power of life and death'? 
Call it what you will, this idea of the infallibility of a single in- 
dividual, bears the full stamp of monarchy. 



Judiciary Censor, No, 9, 

Trials before courts, have a virtuous or vicious tendency, 
pretty much as the judges and lawyers are inclined. 

To suppose that a judge or lawyer can be indifferent, in a con- 
test between right and wrong — betwixt virtue and vice, is admit- 
ting that they are destitute of common discernment and feelings. 
A person of pretty good penetration will generally see which sidt 
the court are inclined to, in spite of their studied and accustomed 
reserve — something will generally betray their feelings, policy or 
designs, in looks, words or actions. 

If those who have the chief management and control of law- 
suits, are disposed to aid or connive at the final evasion of justice, 
their efforts, however studied and reserve, will have a general ten- 
dency to encourage vice, and to discourage virtue ; and, on the 
contrary, if those who conduct, and control public investigations, 
are determined friends of truth, justice and humanity, their con- 
duct will naturally inspire the hopes and encourage the efforts of 
the better part of community. 

In fine — those who administer, or carry the laws into effect, 
have ten times the power and influence to promote virtue or vice, 
as they are inclined, than any other branch of public power or 
authority. 

Some of our plainest statutes have been superseded by the 
practice of courts, in some of their efforts to facilitate the final 
evasion of justice — to render the laws complex, obscure and dif- 
ficult to be understood — so that, instead of looking to our statutes, 
we must consult the practice of our courts to know what to rely 
upon : and even that is rendered precarious and uncertain, from 
the numerous and conflicting opinions, indulged and recorded. 

Every wilful and unnecessary sacrifice of a person's property, 



JUDICIARY CENSOR, No. 10. 163 

made under process or colour of law, should be punished, and 
finally guarded against — even much more rigidly than a wanton 
or malicious destruction by other means, as it has a powerful ten- 
dency to vitiate, and to familiarize us to, a perversion of the final 
ends of justice. 

All the time, trouble and money expended in unnecessary law 
proceedings, is generally much worse than a dead loss to society, 
as it chiefly goes to increase the wealth, power and influence, of a 
dangerous craft. 

A considerable lawsuit, in many places, is regarded as almost 
as great a calamity, to a family or neighbourhood, as a pestilence 
or fire. The havoc they make is often terrible, and visible for a 
great extent, and length of time. 



Judiciary Censor, No. 10. 

In the making and administration of the laws, for the govern- 
ment of a republic, the greatest possible care and precaution 
should be taken, to guard against the overbearing and undue 
power and influence of men possessed of extra wealth, learning, 
influence and authority ; and all unwarrantable combinations or 
conspiracies against individuals : because, this is the most dan- 
gerous, and destructive of the rights, security and prosperity of 
the common people, and the most to be apprehended, of any 
thing adverse to justice and rational liberty, that could readily 
happen in this country. 

After all the care and precautions that could well be employed 
in making wise, equal and just laws, if those who administer 
them are not disposed to guard against the undue power and in- 
fluence of unequal and unjust combinations against individuals, 
justice, virtue and human liberty will be corrupted and finally 
crushed ; for when men of crooked and overbearing tempers and 
designs, once find they can be gratified with impunity, there is a 
broad road laid open for the ultimate destruction of the common 
people. 



164 JUDICIARY CENSOR, No. 10. 

Judges should have their duties definitely and extensively de- 
lined in their oaths, which should be recorded, and they required 
to sign the same ; and when they perjure themselves, they should 
be punished, like other men, for their offences. 

Every judicial officer, of every name and grade, should always 
be required to construe the laws in favour of justice. And also 
to exercise every reasonable favour and assistance towards those 
who undertake to manage their own cases, or act without the as- 
sistance of a lawyer. 

All cases of a certain magnitude and description, should be ex- 
amined and decided by the judicial magistrates holding court, 
without the employment or interference of lawyers on either side : 
because, if one of the parties at variance employ a lawyer, the 
other must generally adopt the same method, in order to guard 
against the little artifices of the craft ; and if either party employ 
two, three or more lawyers to manage their cases, their oppo- 
nents are generally obliged to employ equal forces in the contest. 
The whole expenses of which often far exceeds any thing that 
the magnitude or amount of the contest, would justify. But this 
is but the smallest evil resulting from employing lawyers in every 
petty case ; for they generally strive to multiply, aggravate and 
complex, trifling differences into serious troubles, and eventually 
leave the parties impoverished, corrupted and inflamed, to the in- 
jury of themselves and the community in general. 

The progress of this example, of magistrates examining and 
settling cases without the interference of lawyers, is continually 
recorded in the English papers, giving the particulars ; some of 
the most singular of which are republished in our papers. Wheth- 
er this is an actual law, or the magistrate has the power to reject 
the interference of lawyers, or the practice is the result of a vol- 
untary custom, it is nevertheless an example worthy of adoption. 

Judges should be held accountable, like other men, for injuries 
they occasion others in violation of their proper duty— or it should 
be acknowledged, at once, that they, like sovereign princes, can 
do no wrong. 



JUDICIARY CENSOR, No .11. 165 



Judiciary Censor, No. 11. 

When two neighbors or fellow beings are at variance — instead 
of trying to push them further apart, by enflaming their passions 
and exciting their rapacity, treachery or malice, as interested and 
unprincipled lawyers generally do ; if a real friend or two of jus- 
tice and humanity, were to come some where between the parties, 
and endeavor to cool down their passions and moderate their ex- 
treme expectations and desires — bring them nigher together, as ju- 
dicious friends or mediators, and finally induce them to hear to jus- 
tice and reason, how much better it would be for society. 

When we duly reflect on the consequences, every good man, in 
his sober senses, would naturally wish that such a friend might 
come to his aid and assistance, in time of need, and save him 
from the influence of extreme passions, and prejudices ; and al- 
ways guard him against the advice, influence and control of those 
who are interested in involving their fellow men in endless troubles 
and expences of law proceedings — save them from the fangs — 
power and corrupt influence of the wolves and vultures of litiga- 
tion ! 

Judges, justices of the peace, and all magistrates, court author- 
ities, and officers who preside in courts and deliberate assemblies, 
should endeavour to restrain and keep down every thing like ei- 
ther levity, or malice, in the proceedings ; and they should al- 
ways take particular care to suppress the little artifices and cun- 
ning of unprincipled and designing lawyers and others to excite 
the passions of witnesses, juries, or others concerned in trials, for 
truth and reason generally depart when passion takes the reins. 

A tribunal of justice, should proceed in their inquiries and de- 
liberations, with dignity, candor and firmness ; and every studied 
outrage or material deviation from this course, should be suppres- 
sed, and punished, if necessary for the maintenance of due order 
and subordination. 

Every undue attempt to make fun, and produce laughter, or 
to excite treachery, or malice, should be promptly put down, sup- 
pressed or defeated. 



166 JUDICIARY CENSOR, No. 12. 

We should endeavour constantly to bear in mind, when eon- 
suiting lawyers, that it is their interest , (though certainly not for 
their honor,) to involve the concerns of their clients and fellow 
men, in unnecessary troubles and expenses, in order to increase 
and prolong their own professional gains, power and influence — 
and not generally to advise and assist mankind for their actual and 
best good ; and that they are professionally in the habit of disguis- 
ing their actual policy and designs. 

I once employed a lawyer to settle and collect some accounts, 
who voluntarily told me, he should not intentionally involve me in 
any controversies, for he said he was no advocate ; and he really 
proved a very worthy and useful man. 

" Only pension us," said the lawyers of old, " and we will then 
change our main policy and conduct, and endeavour to render the 
laws, and the administration thereof, as plain, sure, expeditious, 
and economical, as possible ; but were we to relinquish our pres- 
ent gains, power and advantages, without a substitute — by culti- 
vating the wisest and best measures for the people ; and finally, 
perhaps learn mankind to do without much of our professional aid 
and assistance, we should, by so doing, only be robbing ourselves 
for the general benefit of the human race." 

The people of the United States have learned to do without 
sovereign princes, artificial nobles, and other like distinctions. 
We have also shown the world a better way to suppress Barbary 
and other piraces, than to pension them. We have seen, too, that the 
Friends or Quakers can adjust human differences, and maintain 
a most excellent state of society, without having much to do with 
lawsuits, or lawyers — even in a country where lawyers are in pow- 
er. And it is fair to presume that the good people of every coun- 
try will be benefitted by these examples, in the end. 



Judiciary Censor, No. 12. 

The judges of our courts, have to ransack and study the de- 
«isions of British courts, (which constitute the main substance 



JUDICIARY CENSOR, No. 12. 167 

ef our common law,) in order to define criminal and other offen- 
ces, and then explain the same in their addresses to grand juries, 
at the opening of court, and in their definitions and final charges 
to other juries, on the trial of cases. And thus, different judges 
give their definitions and views of offences, and of law. This is 
all wrong. 

Instead of which, every state should have an established code 
of law, classing, and defining in general terms, under definite 
heads, the nature and character of the various criminal and other 
offences ; together with their several penalties ; and the necessa- 
ry proceedings to carry the law into effect : so that we might turn 
to our code of law, and comprehend their meaning and applica- 
tion, as readily as the words of a common dictionary. 

This would establish one uniform and definite standard, and 
course of proceeding, intelligent to all people of good common 
sense and information ; save our judges and lawyers the time, 
trouble and expense of ransacking and studying the immense 
mass of British law lumber ; and greatly abridge the trouble, ex- 
pense, vexation and final uncertainty, of our law proceedings. 

This would produce a degree of justice and equality among 
professional lawyers, by apportioning the business more general- 
ly among them— and not let a few of the most learned, in the 
quirks, quibbles and uncertainties of lawcraft, run away with 
»ine tenths of the profits of litigation.* 

* The following piece, (taken from the National Journal,) may serve 
to explain, a little, what the craft would be at. 

In a debate which arose in the British House of Commons, during the 
last session, on the Delays in Court of Chancery some curious facts were 
detailed. We select the following. Mr. Williams said " the Court of 
Chancery was so odious a dungeon that he who was once immured sel- 
dom escaped without loss of comfort, fortune and life." He further de- 
clared that " in England 99 lawyers out of 100 were utterly ignorant of 
the principles on which real property was transferred. '' "It is this un- 
certainty, said the same commoner, which fills the insatiate maw of 
Chancery with so many dainty morsels, and occasions such delightful 
pickings for the Chancery Lawyers. 1 ' These assertions he illustrated 
by references to many cases before the Chancellor. 

Dr. Lushington stated a case, in his own knowledge and practice. 



108 JUDICIARY CENSOR, No 13. 

In publicly announcing the amount of damages awarded for 
certain offences, by courts and juries, the publishers should en- 
deavour to ascertain and state the sum actually paid and received, 
beyond all the cost, risk, trouble and expenses of the prosecutor. 
This would enable the public to see the whole, and to detect 
much of the hypocrisy and insufficiency of law proceedings, as 
they are usually conducted. For many high sounding and enti- 
cing awards have been announced as recovered, where in fact 
little or nothing was ever paid and received ; and, in many, if 
not in most cases, the actual trouble and expense of the prose- 
cutor, beyond what they recover in cost, amounts to nighly or 
quite all they receive. 

I knew a case where an action for defamation was brought, 
and fifteen hundred dollars damages finally awarded, while the 
prosecutors expenses amounted to about ten thousand dollars ; so 
that he was greatly the loser in mere money — besides all his trou- 
ble and vexation. 

Unprincipled and designing lawyers don't like to have these 
things noticed, as it has a tendency to expose their craft, and to 
deter people from hastily entering into lawsuits, and especially 
in claims for damages. 



Judiciary Censor, No. 13. 

Lawyers sometimes club, or some how volunteer their services 
in defence of rogues, when they are arrested and had up for ex- 
amination, or trial, and without fees, particularly when culprits 

where ' one of the most honest and respectable solicitors in London, 
had found it impossible, with safety to his client, to compress the abstract 
of a Title to an Estate in less than eight hundred sheets of paper.' Mr. 
Taylor mentioned ' an amicable suit instituted in Chancery which was 
not determined under thirty-eight years.' In this debate Mr. Brougham 
mentioned that a commission appointed by the House, on the abuses of 
Public charities, had made " reports which were contained in some 12 
or 13 rather unsightly and decidedly bulky Folios." 



JUDICIARY CENSOR, NO. 14. 169 

appear destitute of the means of compensating their services — 
although they seldom do the same in defence of honest men. 

There is a mountainous pass in Naples infested by a gang of 
robbers, who, if a traveller fees one, he will guard and protect 
him against the rest, otherways travellers are pretty sure to be 
robbed by some of the gang : so they determine to have some of 
travellers money, one way or the other.* If there were none to 
rob, there would be no occasion to employ any to guard and pro- 
tect, and the business would all go down together. 

It is pretty much so with lawyers business in counciling and as 
sisting rogues : if it were not for their indulgence, and exertions 
against justice, there would be little or no imployment for law- 
yers to enforce the laws. Besides, for the want of able prompters 
and assistants in villainy, rogues would generally be discouraged 
in their desperate pursuits, and be finally compelled to undertake 
some honest course of life, and thereby the practice of law would 
be greatly diminished. 

Are our laws so unjust, or unreasonable ; or are those appoint- 
ed to execute them, so treacherous, or despotically inclined, as to 
require, or justify the employment of, great exertions to resist their 
execution — to keep justice off — to encourage and harden criminals 
and other offenders ? 



Judiciary Censor, No. 14. 

When public grievances, or abuses of power, are complained of, 
those in authority, and particularly if interested in the abuses or 
evils, are too apt to study only a temporary or partial relief, rather 

* It has lately been noticed in the newspapers — and with a kind of 
squinting* that this or another gang of 28 in number, " condescended" 1 ' to 
surrender themselves up to the police ! No doubt these depredators were 
in secret connivance with police officers, who probably shared a part of 
their plunder. Are not such things sometimes done — even in our own 
country ? 

32 



170 JUDICIARY CENSOR, No. 14. 

than perfect a substantial cure, and guard against the occurrence 
of the evils in future. 

Thus, the enemies of justice and human improvement, natter 
themselves that the call for a truly republican and civilized code 
of law, lately made and loudly repeated, in several parts of this 
union, will soon die away and be mainly forgotten ; and that our 
present system and practice of law, will go on, without any essen- 
tial alterations or actual improvement, and finally be settled down, 
to pretty much what they are in England — where there is law 
without justice — where the toll of litigation is bigger than the 
grist — where the whole trouble and expense of lawsuits, are esti- 
mated to have cost on an average, more than the amount actually 
litigated and finally recovered ! 

Only let one of the states establish a complete civilized and re- 
publican code of law, and all the rest will undoubtedly follow in its 
adoption — with such alterations as their peculiar situation and 
interests require. When this is done, then see what becomes of 
the enemy to improving the common road to justice ! 

A truly civilized and republican code of law, is one of the 
greatest benefits ever conferred on a people. 

This nation must either rise to the highest pitch and elevation 
of human virtue, wisdom and excellence, to the everlasting grat- 
itude, joy and glory of civilized man, or sink to the scorn and de- 
rision of the world. We are already on the march ; let us perse- 
vere, then, until we arrive at that elevation and improved state of 
the human character and condition, that we may safely pause and 
contemplate with lasting benefit and satisfaction. 

We have volunteered in this glorious reform ; let us not then 
shrink from the dignity and importance of the undertaking. 
The eyes of the world are upon us. The day will come when 
foreigners of the highest worth shall visit this country to complete 
and improve their education and knowledge — to behold the won- 
ders of a VIRTUOUS, ENLIGHTENED and FREE PEOPLE ! 



ARBITRATIONS. 171 



Arbitrations. 



A judicious mode of arbitrations, is certainly the most correct, 
expeditious, convenient, and economical, method of deciding con- 
troversies, of any that has ever been adopted. 

Nugent, an English doctor of laws, in his travels through Ger- 
many, in speaking of Hambugh, says, " They have an excellent 
method of reconciling parties, and preventing lawsuits, which is 
that of arbitrations." 

They adopted, what was called an arbitration law, a number of 
years ago, in Pennsylvania ; and which had a good effect, as far as 
it was properly conducted ; but the unnceasing arts and efforts 
of unprincipled and designing lawyers, to render this law subser- 
vient to their crooked policy and purposes, has, already, it is fear- 
ed, proved nighly or quite successful. 

One thing is pretty certain, that, wherever unprincipled lawyers 
have the chief management and control of arbitrations, they will 
most probably endeavour to make them instruments of injustice, or 
otherways render them unpopular. 

Various good effects of well regulated and judiciously conduct- 
ed arbitrations, are within my recollection ; two of which I will 

briefly notice. — The inhabitants of the township of , 

in the state of , were formerly very highly esteemed for 

their excellent good characters ; and which was finally found to 
result, chiefly from a method they had long practised, of set- 
tling their personal differences, and other matters in dispute, 
by arbitration, and preventing lawsuits. At the time now refer- 
red to, the township contained about 2300 inhabitants ; who were 
chiefly farmers and mechanics ; and from their first settlement 
until this time, there never had been a lawyer employed in the 
town. The people were generally honest, industrions, prosperous, 
aud happy. If any among them were disposed to be dishonest, 
or otherways faulty, there was not any lawyer at hand to be hired 
to justify, or conceal their offences, or otherways juggle them out 
of the hands of justice. The little arts of sophistry, and quib- 
bling, were discountenanced, and knavery put down ; so that men 



172 ARBITRATIONS. 

found it truly the best policy, to be honest, and consistent with 
themselves. 

When any personal differences arose, or offences were commit- 
ted, which the parties could not adjust, or settle among them- 
selves, the case was promptly submitted, agreeably to a rule they 
had established, to the decision of an arbitration. The arbitra- 
tors generally consisted of from two to six persons, judiciously se- 
lected for the particular occasion, agreeable to the nature and mag- 
nitude of the case. The arbitrators were men who participated 
in the general harmony and prosperity of the place, and had no 
interest in exciting, or prolonging expensive and vexatious con- 
troversies. They barely received a moderate compensation for 
the time they necessarily spent in attending to the business — be- 
sides the sweet and durable satisfaction of being the instruments 
of justice and harmony among their neighbours and fellow men ! 

The parties appeared before the arbitrators, and each made a 
simple statement of their case, and produced their proof, when it 
was required, and to be had ; the arbitrators made what inqui ies 
they thought necessary, and, after reasoning the case over among 
themselves, they finally decided — always without any pleadings. 
There was, however, very few differences, at the time now refer- 
red to, which the parties could not settle among themselves. And 
this would be the case with the public generally, if it was only 
properly encouraged. Mankind are seldom such fools, as to con- 
tend in law, voluntarily, without management, without some art- 
ful excitement, or encouragement of a final and undue advantage, 
somehow or other, in the end. 

The general harmony and prosperity of the inhabitants of this 
town ; their excellent and upright characters, all chiefly resulting 
from their method of adjusting personal differences, and prevent- 
ing lawsuits ; at length attracted the serious attention of some of 
the most sagacious lawyers, who, after considering the subject 
among themselves, (probably atone of their bar meetings ;) final- 
ly concluded, that the example might be followed, by other people, 
to the ultimate diminution of the influence and professional gains 
of lawyers, and therefore resolved to counteract it. For which 
purpose, they selected one of the most crafty and smooth tongued 



ARBITRATIONS. 173 

members of their professional club, to go and settle in the town ; 
and who soon won over the confidence, and allied himself to, some 
of the most influential families of the place, by marrying the 
daughter of their priest, (elder, I believe he was called.) This 
seemed to give a kind of sanctity to the lawyers' designs ; and, 
as he was a sly intriguing character, and had his views favoured 
by the chief rulers of the state, he soon found means to stir up a 
spirit of litigation and set the inhabitants at war. This soon 
made business for another lawyer in the town, to oppose suits 
brought by the first ; to bring retaliating actions, and, partic- 
ularly to manage the cases that were carried up to the State 
courts. — 

The inhabitants began to sell out, mortgage, or make over 
their property, and to make other considerabla sacrifices, in order 
to raise money and carry on their lawsuits. This also created bro- 
kers and sharpers, who stood ready to take every possible ad- 
vantage of their neighbours embarrassments and distress—and 
even to join their efforts with the lawyers, to produce, and prolong 
their neighbours' troubles, in order to increase their own opportu- 
nities and final gains. — Until a spirit of confusion, treachery, per- 
secution, oppression, and jealousy or distrust, seemed to pervade 
the whole town ; and finally began to dissolve this little community 
of republicans, and drive them off to other places, in pursuit of 
that peace, security, prosperity and happiness they had formerly 
enjoyed at home — as if satan had actually entered their political 
paradise ! 

It is about twenty years, at the present time, since the first law- 
yer moved into this town, and yet the inhabitants have greatly de- 
creased in numbers ; the property is much more unequally pos- 
sessed among them, than it was before the spirit of litigation was 
introduced. Some of the biggest knaves and hypocrites have in- 
creased their wealth ; but the greatest proportion of the inhabit- 
ants, have been reduced to a poor, discouraged, degraded and 
miserable race of quibblers. In short, the town is becoming 
notorious for the treachery, intemperance, hypocrisy and mean- 
ness of its inhabitants. 

Many who have been ruined in fortune and prospects, them- 



174 ARBITRATIONS. 

selves, become crooked instruments in the hands of the lawyers 
and designing knaves, for the destruction of others. 

One further circumstance in regard to the change of character 
of the inhabitants of this town, is perhaps worthy of notice. Not 
long after the^ marriage of the lawyer with the priest's daughter, 
he was taken into church communion. This example was courted, 
and finally followed, by others of similar character and designs ; 
until it has become no evidence of a person's good moral character, 
to belong to the church : but frequently excites a suspicion of 
their hypocrisy and evil designs. Indeed, they seem to be sensi- 
ble that their characters do not compare with that of a true Chris- 
tian, and so they call themselves professors, or communicants — 
probably to avoid a direct comparison. 

It is also worthy of particular notice, that the priest, before his 
connexion with the lawyer, was a plain unostentatious and truly 
excellent man — always doing good in society. He was in fact a 
true Christian, a peace maker, and a guide to virtue and human 
happiness. But his connextion with the consequential and design- 
ing lawyer, excited his vanity and pomp, also, and ultimately made 
him, what is called a fashionable clergyman — fond of show, pa- 
rade, luxuries, and worldly honors and distinctions.* 

Another case of the good effects of arbitrations, I shall notice, 
with a brief view of the transactions out of which it originated ; 
in order, in part, to give some idea of the manner in which the 
public are sometimes cheated by their agents. 

Some time during the late European wars, and while considera- 
ble forces were stationed in the West Indies, the master of a West 
India trader, took a cargo on freight and commissions, to one of the 
islands. The cargo consisted of three principal articles, and be- 
longed to as many different persons. On arriving at the port of 
destination, two public agents, one for the supply of the navy, and 

* Some called this connexion between the lawyer and the family of 
the priest, a union of church and state policy. One old, plain spoken 
man, said, when the lawyer was taken into church, without any appa- 
rent change of character, that it reminded him of the fable of the cat and 
rats — " Something' whispers me there is mischief. v I fear he is only put- 
ting on a sanctified evil, the better to conceal his bad intentions and de- 
signs. 



ARBITRATIONS. 175 

the other for the army, appeared as the only purchasers ; each of 
whom made an offer for the whole cargo, at specified prices for 
each of the three articles, but neither would take any part, unless 
they had the whole. Each of the agents wanted the biggest part of 
the cargo for government, which they rated at more than worth, 
and the remainder for themselves, which they rated at much less 
than worth. The master found he could not do better than to take 
the offer that averaged the most for the whole cargo ; and then, 
concluding that such a quere transaction would hardly be under- 
stood, or believed by his employers, if related, he made an en- 
tire account of sales, equalizing the prices of the different articles, 
as fairly as possible. On his return home, the shippers appeared 
well satisfied, and even pleased with their returns. 

Some time after, however, information, some how or other, got 
to the understanding of the shipper, whose part of the cargo was 
rated at much more than worth, by the purchaser — but which 
price could not have been obtained separately, nor without sacri- 
ficing on the rest of the cargo ; and being a hasty and violent 
tempered man, he immediately flew to arms — consulted a lawyer, 
who, (without making any candid inquiries into the probable 
cause of excitement, or perhaps without any further concern than 
regarded his prospect of obtaining a good round sum for his ser- 
vices, in the end,) said it was a gross piece of fraud, and no man- 
ner of doubt, exemplary damages would be recovered. A suit, 
of course, was authorised, and an action was immediately brought, 
of the most severe and aggravating character ; and all was a scene 
of bustle, irritation, and preparation for the final conflict, on both 
sides — peace and good felllowship had fled the neighbourhood. 

A few days after the suit had been commenced, the said master 
and supercargo, after relating the whole transactions out of which 
the suit originated, to one of his neighbours, expressed a regret 
that he should be obliged to abandon his next intended voyage, for 
which his vessel was nighly loaded and ready for sea, in order to 
attend to this unnecessary, perplexing, and vexatious lawsuit, 
The neighbour, who was well convinced that no fraud was either 
affected, or intended, offered his services as a mediator, to effect 
a compromise or peaceable reference of the matter. But, although 



K6 ARBITRATIONS. 

both of the parties appeared willing enough to avoid the trouble, 
vexation and expense, of a protracted and bitter contest, yet nei- 
ther would authorise an advance, or explanation, for fear his ad- 
versary might get some advantage by it.* They however agreed 
to meet the friendly neighbour, at a given place, in the evening ; 
where he had convened three judicious and experienced individ- 
uals, who were practically acquainted with the West India trade. 
When met, the active mediator invited his neighbours, (the par- 
ties at issue,) to submit their case to the three individuals assem- 
bled and then present ; they accepted the invitation, and the bu- 
siness was soon settled to their mutual and complete satisfaction. 
And no body was heard to complain, except the lawyers ; who pro- 
bably calculated on a long and profitable job, out of these neigh- 
bours' differences, which they knew how to aggravate and keep 
along — no matter if it had have terminated to the injury, or even 
ruin, of both the parties, and disturbed the peace and happiness 
of the neighbourhood for years. 

In some places where arbitrations are indulged, they are ren- 
dered the subordinate creatures of other courts, and are so ham- 
pered and restricted, as to be finally rendered more tedious, haz- 
ardous and expensive, than the ordinary established courts of 
law. This was no doubt designed, by the litigious craft, in or- 
der to render arbitrations unpopular. 

" Hang 'em," (said a lawyer, to one of his craft, while he was 
making a mighty bluster and parade, in managing a case before 
an arbitration,) " if they will have arbitrations, Til make them 
sick of "em." 

The Quakers adjust their differences, by a peaceable refer- 
ence to the arbitration of a few judicious neighbours, or individ- 
uals. And no man, who is well acquainted with the state of 



* It is astonishing, that, in this enlightened age, and country, any ob- 
stacles should be permitted to lie in the way of a peaceable compromise, 
or settlement of personal differences ; and yet, true it is, that such hin- 
drances are openly and unblushingly licensed and imployed ! 

Justice, and good policy, both, invite parties to mutual reconciliations, 
anda peaceable adjustment of differences. 



ARBITRATIONS. 177 

their society, can be ignorant of the important benefits resulting 
from such a practice. 

It is also one of the rules of the Methodist church, to avoid 
going to law, as much as possible, by studying to promote a 
peaceable reference or settlement of their differences. 

I have heard of men forming themselves into societies, for 
the express purpose of having all their disputable matters, settled 
by arbitration. An attempt to organize an extensive society, for 
this purpose, has lately been publicly announced, at Pittsfield, 
Massachusetts, and another at Westchester, or some where nigh 
New- York : but I presume they will both have been defeated, 
before this goes to the public. 

It is certainly inconsistent with our character, either as Chris- 
tians, or enlightened politicians, to continue much longer to liti- 
gate in the usual way. The unnecessary delays, vexations, and 
expenses, attending the ordinary course of law proceedings — (to 
say nothing of their unjust decisions, and corrupt excitements 
and examples, in other respects,) has discouraged thousands of 
honest and worthy individuals, in attempting to possess, or de- 
fend their privileges and property, and ultimately driven them to 
despair, and either added them and their dependents to the num- 
ber of public paupers, or multiplied the criminal and other offen- 
ces against the laws and good order of society. 

A general change, in favour of well regulated and judiciously 
conducted arbitrations, is loudly demanded, by every considera- 
tion and regard for the public good. 

Let the experiment be fairly tried, on a general scale, and a 
beneficial consequence will undoubtedly result — and so the law- 
yers believe, else they would not be so generally opposed to the 
plan. 

If there was a law in each state, making due provisions for 
such references, whereby either party could compel the other to 
a peaceable reference of any matter in dispute, or in a train of 
legal inquiry, to an arbitration, it would be extremely important. 

The arbitrations should have original jurisdiction of causes ; 
and be conducted independent of other courts, and without the 

23 



178 ARBITRATIONS. 

aid or interference of lawyers — mainly upon Washington's 
plan.* ( 

After hearing the statement of each party, and the facts or ev- 
idence in the case, and making such inquiries of the parties, wit- 
nesses, or other where, as the arbitrators think just and necessa- 
ry ; and then reasoning the case over among themselves, they 
should give their opinion, in writing ; and, at the request of ei- 
ther party, they should state the principal facts they found in the 
case, and the evidence from which they derived those facts, to- 
gether with the law, or rule of equity, on which they founded 
their final judgment : — so that either party might file an excep- 
tion to their decision, for the review and final correction of the 
same, or a higher tribunal, in case there should be any gross er- 
rors or grounds for correction. 

Any one of the arbitrators might also file their exceptions, to 
any thing that occurred on the trial, or in the decision, to attend 
the review. 

* The following is extracted from Washington's will, and contains 
provisions for the final settlement of his estate. It is well worthy of par- 
ticular attention. After defining the disposition of his property, &c. and 
naming the persons for administering and settling his estate, according to 
his will and testament : — he proceeds thus, in reference to his will : 
— " in the construction of which, it will readily be perceived, that no 
professional character has been consulted, or has had any agency in the 
draught ; and, that although it has occupied many of my leisure hours to 
digest, and to throw it into its present form, it may, notwithstanding, ap- 
pear crude and incorrect ; but having endeavoured to be plain and ex- 
plicit in all the devises, even at the expense of prolixity, perhaps of tau- 
tology, I hope and trust, that no disputes will arise concerning them ; 
but if, contrary to expectation, the case should be otherwise from the 
want of legal expression, or the usual technical terms, or because too 
much or too little has been said on any of the devices to be consonant 
with law, my will and directions expressly is, that all disputes, if unhap- 
pily any should arise, shall be decided by three impartial and intelligent 
men, known for their probity and good understanding ; two to be chosen 
by the disputants, each having the choice of one, and the third by those 
two ; which three men thus chosen shall, unfettered by law or legal con- 
structions, declare the sense of the testator's intentions ; and such decis- 
ion is, to all intents and purposes, to be as binding on the parties, as if it 
had been given in the supreme court of the United States." 



ARBITRATIONS. 170 

Arbitrators should always be encouraged and required, to act 
with the greatest possible impartiality, candor and faithfulness. 

If this system of arbitration was once judiciously established 
in our country, it would soon be improved into the most perfect 
system of adjustment for human differences and offences, and ul- 
timately bring the most pure and wholesome justice, home to our 
own doors, as it were. 

Such a tribunal would combine the principles of law and equity, 
and ultimately supersede both courts. They would be chiefly 
governed in their decisions, by the common statutes or laws of the 
land, where they were explicit and to the purpose, but equity and 
reason would rule their decisions, in other points or cases. 

Their object would be to do justice to the parties, and when the 
laws were doubtful or insufficient, the principles of justice and 
equity would rule their conduct. All of which they would declare 
in their final award, and especially whenever required. 

In cases where there were several individuals acting together 
as arbitrators in a case, they would have in a considerable degree 
the effect of a court and jury, and might ultimately supersede 
them both, as a tribunal of superior excellence and advantages. 

A brief and explicit statement should be made in writing, of 
every disputable case referred for decision, by each of the parties, 
plaintiff and defendant, with the arguments or reasons they think 
proper to urge in their favor ; so that an arbitration, court, jury, 
or whoever were to act as judges in the case, might have the same 
before them ; and so that a case might often be referred and set- 
tled without the presence of the parties or their special agents — 
and particularly so as to avoid any long-winded speech making on 
the subject. 

The award being definitely stated in writing — giving the princi- 
pal grounds on which the case was decided ; the whole might be 
referred to a superior tribunal, for reviewal and correction, in case 
of any errors worthy of the trouble and expense. 

In the supreme court of the United States, which closed their 
term in the spring of 1825, at Washington city, after a laborious 
session, only about thirty cases were acted upon ; at the rate of 
which it has been computed that it would take them five years to 



180 CONTRAST BETWEEN A MISER & SPENDTHRIFT. 

get through with the cases then remaining on the docket of the 
court ! If a written summary of each case had been judiciously 
referred, as above alluded to, (which is absolutely all that is neces- 
sary, if the judges know the law, and are otherwise fit for their sta- 
tions,) it would have been sufficient to have enabled the court to 
have reviewed the cases on necessary points, and made all the cor- 
rections that justice and reason require ; and save the parties, and 
the public, much unnecessary delay, cost, trouble and expense. 

By publishing the most correct and important decisions, made 
by arbitrations, as before noticed, would promote the improve- 
ment of a system and operation of trials, and ultimately perfect 
one of the most just, safe, economical, expeditious, and important 
branches of human government. 

Arbitrations might be suitable to try cases of any magnitude, 
and assembled at any time, and place, most convenient for the par- 
ties, and thereby save them much of the time, trouble and ex- 
pense, occasioned by ordinary courts, and with a far grater pros- 
pect of doing justice to the paities. 



A Brief Contrast between a Miser, and a Spendthrift. 

A spendthrift, by his profusion, in the hour of plenty, lures 
the generous and unsuspicious youth, into the train of his amuse- 
ments and excesses, and ultimately carries them down with him, 
in his wreck of fortune and constitution. 

The spendthrift often squanders that which is not his own ; and 
what he spends goes chiefly to encourage and support some of the 
worst sharpers and other bad members of society — those who are 
interested in promoting excesses of eating, drinking, gambling, 
frolicking and debauchery. 

The spendthrift plays havock with the flower of society, by 
corrupting, impoverishing and debilitating, the most promising 
youth, and by feeding and encouraging the wolves and vultures 
of society. And finally leaves the world greatly the worse for his 
existence. 



EDUCATION OF CHILDREN, No. 1. J8t 

Not so the miser. He is not likely to corrupt or ruin any by 
his conduct and examples. He only cheats himself for the benefit 
of posterity. 

The miser's accumulated and hoarded treasure, often excites 
envy ; while the squandered fortune, debauched habits, and bro- 
ken down constitution of the prodigal, rather provokes our scorn 
and contempt. 

But I would neither recommend a spendthrift, nor a miser. Ex- 
cesses, are generally bad : somewhere between the extremes is the 
best course. 



Remarks on the Education of Children, No. 1. 

The first duty required of parents, after providing for the lives 
and health of their offspring, is to attend to their education — to 
bring them up to be useful and ornamental members of society. 

We often see parents encountering great hardships, and under- 
going painful deprivations, merely to accumulate and save wealth 
for their children, and at the same time so negligent of their chil- 
dren's future happiness and prosperity in the world, as almost to- 
tally to neglect their education. 

A family of children, brought up in decent good manners, and 
taught some useful profession or calling in society, are infinitely 
better off, with little or no property, than those who have been 
kept in a state of ignorance, or neglected to contract habits of in- 
dolence and dissipation, and left with considerable or large estates. 

What can afford a more pleasing sight, or present matter for 
more agreeable reflection, than a well bred family of children ? It 
is a kind of Heaven in miniature, with all its beauties, harmony,, 
and pleasing consequences. On the contrary, how disgusting and 
painful to a sensible and reflecting mind, is the sight of an ill-bred 
family of children ? It is a kind of hell in miniature, with all its 
deformity of human character, confusion and horrible consequen- 
ces. 

Well-bred children are generally a consolation and support to 
their parents in affliction and old age. They also form supporters 



182 EDUCATION OF CHILDREN, No. 1. 

and ornaments of society. But when neglected in their breeding 
and usefulness, children too often become scourges to their parents, 
and moths or pests in society. Indeed, it seems as though Provi- 
dence had wisely ordained the chastisement of such parents, as 
wilfully neglect the good breeding of their offspring. At any rate, 
the contrast is surprisingly great, and shows the importance of 
bringing up children in habits of good manners and usefulness, to 
the neglect of accumulating and saving wealth, and especially be- 
yond a tolerable competence, or beginning. 

Children left in the world with considerable or large estates, 
without the knowledge of accumulating and making a wise ap- 
propriation of their wealth, are like a purse without a sword, Or 
a full storehouse without loch, or tender. They often serve as 
prey for pickpockets, and food for sharpers. 

Habits of industry and care, judiciously inculcated while the 
mind is tender and ardent, are more lasting, and less expensively 
acquired, than after the mind becomes callous, or occupied with 
Useless impressions. 

Experience teaches the youth for cents, and dimes; but she 
charges old blockheads for instruction, in dollars, and eagles— 
sometimes by thousands, and millions ! 

System is the very regulator of human actions, whereby rea- 
son is enabled to govern our passions, by deliberately and wisely 
planning out the general course of our conduct, beforehand. 

It does not, indeed, generally require one half the care and at- 
tention to manage our concerns, after they have been properly 
regulated or reduced to system. 

A man without system in his habits and concerns in life, is like 
a ship at sea without ballast, compass, or rudder, liable to be cap- 
sized by every gust of passion, or to be thwarted or carried astray 
by the tides, currents, and attractions of fortune. 

And yet, we should never be such slaves to rules, as to abide 
by them, when reason is clearly to the contrary. 

Rules were intended as leading-strings for simpletons and shack- 
les for rogues — but never should be permitted to cramp the genius 
of honest and enlightened minds. 

Children have a natural desire to know the meaning of what 



EDUCATION OF CHILDREN, No. 1. m 

they see and hear about ; and, although their inquisitiveness is 
often troublesome, yet they should be answered correctly, or 
not at all ; for, by deceiving them, bewilders and misleads their 
minds ; but giving children correct ideas of things in the begin- 
ning, often determines their course and fortune through life, by 
setting them in a right way of reasoning and reflection. 

Parents often forfeit the confidence and respect of their chil- 
dren, by attempting to trifle with, or impose on their credulity and 
tender years : and in other respects, they sometimes employ the 
most effectual means to make their children stupid, sickly, treach- 
erous, or otherways troublesome. 

For instance, a sugar-plum or some other unhealthy or foolish 
Jcnicknack, is given to a child to makepeace. Hence it becomes 
a bounty for crying. 

" What are you crying for, Charles, you great booby V says an 
older brother, " why mother never will give me any thing unless 
I cry for it," answers honest Charles. 

" Sally," said a too-indulgent mother, " liow many times must 
I tell you, before you will leave off putting your hands into victuals 
set for other folks ?" 

" John, you rogue, you," said an unthinking mother, " if ever 
I catch you at that closet, again, stealing cake and sugar, I will 
whip you, as sure as you live" — " Why, no, you won't, mother," 
answered impertinent John, shrewdly, "for you have told me so 

ABOVE A THOUSAND TIMES !" 

If parents would have their children regard the truth, they 
should observe it themselves. Nothing could scarcely teach chil- 
dren more effectually to lie, steal, and to be otherways trouble- 
some, than such heedless and inconsistent conduct of parents. 

Children have got better memories, and are more observing of 
passing events, than parents are apt to imagine. 

As soon as children are capable of reasoning, (and that is 
earlier than is generally imagined,) they should be taught to ask, 
handsomely, for whatever they want, and reproved for crying 
without any reasonable or just cause. 

Because the services of children are not needed, or their first 
efforts will not compensate for instructing and keeping them em- 



184 EDUCATION OF CHILDREN, No. |. 

ployed, a suitable portion of their time, they are too often left to 
contract habits of indolence and mischief. 

It is obviously the wisest and best policy that ever dictated or 
controlled any government, from that of children up, to hold out 
some bounty for extra good deeds, and to cause some deprivation, 
or chastisement, for a wilful transgression, or neglect of common 
duty. It is also important, both in a moral and political point of 
view, to hold out a reasonable encouragement for evil doers to 
repent and reform. " He that stumbles and falls not, mends his 
pace" — and not unfrequently becomes a better citizen after, than 
before, a petty transgression. 

After children come to years of sufficient discretion or under- 
standing, to know right from wrong, they often punish themselves 
for mischievous or disobedient conduct, and particularly if the 
subject is properly managed. For instance, instead of pitying 
the child for some petty hurt or injury brought upon himself by 
carelessness, or a disregard of the directions and warnings of 
proper authority, let the child know that it was the natural con- 
sequence or result of his disobedience, or want of proper care 
and attention. 

" Well, George, you have got stung — I told you the bees would 
sting you, if you went to plague them. I hope you will remem- 
ber next time what your father tells you." 

" That's good for you, Sam — I don't pity you a bit — it will do 
you as much good as if I had punished you, for meddling with 
the chickens : did not I tell you the old hen would hit you a clip, 
if you did not let her chickens alone?" 

The human mind, in its infancy, is like a piece of uncultiva- 
ted ground, varying in its local situation, fertility, and productive 
qualities, and each having in themselves the seeds or germs of 
good, and evil. If the good and useful plants are not cultivated, 
weeds and briars will occupy the soil, and ultimately root out the 
scions of virtue and usefulness. 

Vice is of a rugged and savage character. When it gets full 
growth, and its rule established in the human mind, reason has 
but little or no influence with it. 

Vice and ignorance, are generally at war with virtue and wis- 



EDUCATION OF CHILDREN, No. 2. 185 

dom; and wherever the wild, ferocious impulse of human depravity 
gets possession, every amiable and excellent quality of the human 
character, are soon strangled or expelled. 

Some people actually take more pains in bringing up and train- 
ing brute animals, to be valuable and useful in society, than they 
do in the good breeding of their children. But the error chiefly 
originates from the lack of proper reflection or timely reasoning 
on the subject. 



Remarks on the Education of Children, No. 2. 

By endeavoring to impose on the minds of inquiring youth, 
bigoted and false ideas, parents, and teachers, not only violate a 
most sacred duty, but often bring themselves into contempt there- 
by ; for whether the parent or instructor thus errs from ignorance 
or design, the youth, when once he discovers the deception, will 
very naturally withdraw his confidence from such parents and 
teachers, in a greater or less degree. 

By cultivating the reasoning faculties of youth, by fair pre- 
cepts and examples, excites their gratitude, and exalts their honor 
and understanding ; but blinding and deceiving inquiring youth, 
provokes their worst passions, and often leads them to degradation 
and ruin. 

It is often astonishing, and quite painful to a sensible and re- 
flecting mind, to behold the miserable and worthless stuff* that is 
thrown in the way of children, or purposely given out to young 
people disposed to read — tending to tire their patience and occupy 
their minds to no valuable purpose, or to bewilder their under- 
standings, and corrupt their minds, and finally leave them mis- 
guided and discouraged in the pursuit of truth and human im- 
provement : Instead of forming a judicious beginning, and lining- 
out a course for their improvement and future excellence. 

This early discouraging, or misguiding the minds of inquiring 
youth, often happens from the circumstance of the books having 
been given to the young learner, or cost little or nothing, or be- 

24 



186 EDUCATION OF CHILDREN, No. 2. 

cause they had pictures in or about them. The poison pill was 
gilded — this food for the mind cost but little or nothing, and there- 
fore it may be taken, although in fact much worse than nothing. 
To say nothing of the absurd prejudices inculcated by the opera- 
tion ; it would be a waste of time and money, were we to instruct 
apprentices at the mechanic and manufacturing arts, agreeable 
to the rules, implements and operations employed in promoting 
those undertakings, fifty or an hundred years ago. 

After people have learned the better way, or come of sufficient 
years of discretion to be able to judge and choose for themselves, 
error is comparatively harmless. But books that are not judi- 
ciously fitted to their wants and capacities, should not be given to 
young people, ever inquiring after truth and human improve- 
ments. 

Wrong information is much worse than nothing. 

Books or matter that is calculated to inculcate obsolete, bigot= 
ed, erroneous or useless ideas, are much worse than nothing, and 
better be destroyed, rather than kept to clog and distemper the 
minds of inquiring youth. 

A prudent man, would not give any thing to his hogs or cattle, 
that would do them more hurt than good — even although it cost 
him nothing. 

When the human mind is once set out right, in the pursuit of 
useful knowledge, it will often go alone, and is seldom or never 
tired, dicouraged, or fully satisfied. The intellectual appetite 
and capacity, increases by judiciously feeding and exercising the 
mind. 

It is a solemn and alarming fact, and one that ought to rouse 
the attention of our common people, that most of the books and 
other matter employed for their education and instruction, are the 
systems and designs of weak, or wicked men — those, who, from 
the want of sufficient talents, correct knowledge, and industry, 
were incapable of the task, or others, who, secretly and hypocrit- 
ically devote themselves to promoting the ignorance, delusion, de- 
pravity and downfall of the common people. 

There cannot be too much excitement, and alarm given out on 
the subject of educating and truly enlightening our common peo- 



SYSTEMS OF EDUCATION. 187 

pie. I say our common people, for those in possession of extra- 
ordinary advantages of learning, wealth, or power — the natural 
aristocracy of a country, will hardly be expected to give a judicious 
republican education, and the light of proper intelligence and in- 
struction, to those, over whom they already triumph, and expect 
to maintain an ascendancy. 



Systems of Education. 

Our colleges and academies, or seminaries for promoting the 
highest branches of education, are chiefly governed by rules, reg- 
ulations, and authorities, borrowed from the countries of mon- 
archy, and designed for the support of kings and privileged or- 
ders of men. They are not only adverse to many of the clearest 
principles and habits of republicanism, but often prove injurious 
to the morals and health of the students. 

A considerable part of the scholar's attention is devoted to the 
study of matter, that too often proves worse than a dead waste of 
his time and money, as they serve to burden and bewilder his 
senses, rather than enlighten his understanding truly, and guide 
him in the persuit of truth and public usefulness. 

Suppose we were to put those designed to learn the mechanic 
arts, to study and practice, according to the rules, implements and 
operations employed in promoting those undertakings, one or two 
thousand years ago; and then, after a few years instruction, apply 
them in our modern workshops — what would the thinking world 
say of such conduct 1 

The prejudices, policy and conduct, that w 3re designed to aid 
and support monarchy, or to pamper and indulge aristocracy, 
should be promptly eradicated from our systems and habits of 
life. 

Many of our young students, not only get their minds encum- 
bered and distempered with the dead languages, and subjects of 
ancient literature, so that they have little room or taste for a cor- 
rect knowledge of the living language, even of our own country, 
and a thorough and practical understanding of modern sciences 



J38 SYSTEMS OF EDUCATION. 

and improvements ; but they too generally get their understand- 
ings bewildered and poisoned by the prejudices and hypocritical 
arts of king-craft and its subordinate agencies. The worst of 
this, however, is their afterwards insulting and bothering the pub- 
lic with their blind lingo and ancient learning.* 

Those who have exchanged the open air, plain, solid food, pru- 
dent dress, industrious and athletic habits of a country life, for 
the sedentary situation and mode of life, of a college student, 
most generally contract a hatred for honest industry, and a con- 
tempt for those who earn their living by it ; besides, they too of- 
ten pine and languish for the solid food and manly exercise of a 
country life, and spend their chief vigor in doing mischief. 

Here, too, the students get their aristocratic ideas, and habits ; 
that often keep them hankering after the privileges and pensions, 
conferred by arbitrary authorities on their favorites and tools. 

To prevent these habits and their pernicious consequences, and 
to create a love of industry, and a due respect for those who earn 
their living by honest labor ; a certain proportion of the students' 
time should be regularly applied to some useful bodily labor, in 
practising farming and mechanical operations. 

To accommodate which, there ought to be attached to every 
college, academy, or establishment for promoting the higher 
branches of education, an experimental farm, and an extensive 
mechanics' work shop, with every material and convenience ne- 
cessary to employ the students a certain part of their time, at set 
hours, and in convenient seasons, in practising farming, and some 
of the most useful and convenient mechanic arts and operations. 
They should practice both, occasionally, at convenient times and 
seasons, under the care and instruction of competent and judicious 
teachers of the different branches. 

Such kinds of farming operations, as might be conveniently 

* Something like a man who had spent several years in acquiring the 
art of walking batkionrds, which he represented as preferable to the 
common way of walking In order to show his superiority over his 
neighbours in this art, or rare accomplishment, he took occasion to intro- 
duce the subject frequently — and generally to their no small disgust and 
annoyance. 



SYSTEMS OF EDUCATION. 189 

carried on upon a middling or small scale, and as would be of most 
general use, in affording the students proper exercise, and in- 
struction in the most general and important branches of farming : 
- — including the cultivation of common fruit, plain gardening ; 
with the raising of domestic animals; together with a prudent 
and icise regulation and management of our domestic and private 
concerns. 

The students should be taught the different situations, charac- 
ters and qualities of soil, and how to cultivate and manage the 
same, to the best advantage; the good and bad qualities of do- 
mestic animals, so as to distinguish, and raise them to the most 
useful purpose.* In fine, the students should be experimentally 
taught the science of good practical husbandry, upon a finished 
scale. 

The mechanic arts and operations selected for the students' 
exercise and instruction, should be those kinds and branches that 
would afford them the most appropriate and convenient employ- 
ment, in stormy weather, and in the winter season. They should 
also be active, healthy kinds of mechanical employments, and 
such as were of general us'e. 

In their mechanical labors, the students might perform the 
chief part of the labor of building, and keeping in repair, work- 
shops and other buildings for their own use and accommodation. 
They might also do the principal making and repairing of many of 
the tools for their mechanical and farming operations ; with oth- 
er articles of furniture and domestic usefulness. 

The students might raise the chief part of the provisions for 
their own supply ; and get their own wood. They should always 
prepare their wood, and make their own fires ; brush their own 
boots and shoes ; shave themselves, and keep their own persons, 
and apartments, in complete order ; and be taught to perform all 
these operations in the best manner. 



* It is a fact worthy of universal attention, that it generally costs as 
much to raise vegetables from bad seed, and to feed and raise animals 
from a&ad breed, as it does from good ones — the original stock only excep- 
ted : although the value of the product, often varies, immensely, in their 
actual worth. 



190 SYSTEMS OF EDUCATION. 

The man who has learned to select the materials, keep then! 
in order, and shave himself, in a good and workman-like manner, 
has made no trifling acquisition to his comfort, convenience, and 
independence. 

Good manners, fit and becoming a republican gentleman, 
should always be inculcated and enforced in such institutions, as 
far as practicable and reasonable. 

The general principles of good morals ; and the theory and 
practice relating to health, should be judiciously explained and 
inculcated among the students. 

The students should early be taught a degree of political sci- 
ence, and economy, especially the general principles of our re- 
publican system ; and I think it would be well to have them form 
a jury, or arbitration, as occasion might require, for the trial of 
their fellow students, for offences against the rules and regula- 
tions of their school, or college, or for violations of good conduct 
in any respect, subject to the interpretation, correction and final 
control of proper authorities. 

At a proper period of their studies, the students should receive 
written or printed lectures or explanations, from competent teach- 
ers, on the various farming and mechanical operations they prac- 
tice, giving the reasons for their preference ; including a system 
of domestic economy, and the best private habits and management 
of individual concerns. These would not only afford the scholars 
constant guide and instruction, but they would excite improvement 
in every essential branch and particular. 

Students, and all in sedentary employments, should be taught, 
and accustomed to sit with their bodies as straight as possible — 
rather leaning back, than forward, so as not to cramp the stom- 
ach, or depress the digestive and vital organs and operations. 
A chair with rockers, leaning backwards, is peculiarly well cal- 
culated to ease and accommodate persons in habits of reading or 
study, by facilitating a change of position, and throwing the head 
and shoulders back. By getting up and walking only across a 
room, a few moments, every hour or oftener, has a tendency to 
promote and equalize the general circulations that renovate the 
body and mind. 



SYSTEMS OF EDUCATION. 191 

Our college students, have generally contracted an effeminacy 
of character, and a contempt or hatred for military duty. This 
has been aided and encouraged, in many places, by an indulgence, 
or system of favoritism, tending to boost them out of the reach 
of the chief burdens of military duty, by some short and delicate 
part — an easy and honorable appointment in the staff, or some of- 
fice of civil authority or exemption from military duty. This is 
the chief cause that has rendered military duty irksome, and filled 
most of our military offices with ignorant and unmilitary charac- 
ters. The fault is not generally with the rank and file, for I never 
would elevate a man over me, who despised the common defenders 
of my country. The blame chiefly rests with our colleges and 
government They never should nurse or indulge privilegd or- 
ders. 

When the nerves or muscles are tender, and the mind ardent, 
a degree of military exercise and instruction, gives a young man 
a prompt, efficient and manly habit — a correct attitude of body, 
a graceful motion, and a sense of patriotism and human excel- 
lence — in a word, a deportment and feeling that properly belongs 
to the scholar and gentleman, as necessary accomplishments, and 
especially those who are qualifying themselves for places of dis- 
tinction and high trust. 

A degree of military science and practice,* judiciously intro- 
duced and cultivated among our college and academical students, 
would contribute to their general health, as well as usefulness 
and eminence. 

There was a military spirit inculcated among the students of 
Dartmouth college, some time the latter part of the last century, 
that, although injudicious, in a degree, has been productive of 
some important consequences. 

For a length of time, at least, it will be necessary to keep up 
a prompt and efficient military spirit, in some shape or other, 
among our youth, and especially those qualifying themselves for 
distinction in the support of our national liberty and independence. 

There is a spirit, in a truly republican soldier, that justly ex- 
cites the admiration of every liberal and enlightened mind. Who 
indeed is there, worthy of the name of good and great, that does 



192 SYSTEMS OF EDUCATION. 

not admire the character of Washington, Lafayette, Bolivar, 
Riego, and the thousands that have volunteered in the general 
cause of justice and humanity. 

Such a system of education, judiciously established and promo- 
ted, would not only preserve, but greatly improve the students' 
health, morals and habits of life, and at the same time afford him 
much more suitable, substantial and useful information, than they 
usually acquire at our colleges ; and ultimately prepare them for 
the highest stations of public usefulness and eminence. Our 
college learned men would then be real men of business, possessed 
of a practical knowledge of some of the most important transac- 
tions and concerns in the community. 

Many of the speeches, and other pieces selected for the instruc- 
tion and improvement of scholars, and particularly in their publie 
declamations and exercises, are, in their general style of language 
and magnitude of subject, as much above the learning and capa- 
city of the young student, as a giant's armour and equipage would 
be beyond the size and strength of a pigmy. 

Hence we may not wonder at many of the empty, gasconading, 
dandy -like characters, that have " been through college" — mighty 
in sounds and imaginary worth, but feeble in practical and useful 
knowledge. 

Education, in order to be consistent, and useful, should, like a 
Well proportioned tree, spring up from the centre, form the main 
body and limbs, and then increase in magnitude, height, num- 
ber and extent of branches, as the natural strength of the plant, 
and fertility of soil, will support. 

The first inquiries of youth, should be directed to matters suita* 
ble to their wants, and capacity to comprehend. 

The youth should always endeavor to acquire, at least a general 
history and knowledge of his own country, before that of any oth- 
er. And modern history and science should be taught before an- 
cient. 

The ancient custom of teaching morals by fabulous stories, 
wherein brutes are represented as the principal agents of intelli- 
gence, is absurd and pernicious, since real examples, and human 
characters, are sufficiently abundant, and can be much better em- 



SYSTEMS OF EDUCATION. 193 

ployed for that purpose. It is not only difficult for children of 
common judgment and reflection to reconcile such stories with 
truth, or to draw moral or practical conclusions from them, with- 
out the powers of second sight, as it were ; but their minds often 
labour under a degree of delusion for a considerable time after, 
occasioned by the study of those fabulous subjects. We impose 
on the credulity and tender minds of children, false and ridiculous 
stories about the talking and other wonderful performances of 
brutes, and then leave them to get rid of the delusion, as they 
can. This is what some call playing the devil with children. 

Neither should fictitious cases be employed for the exercise 
and instruction of scholars in arithmetic. 

It is also important that the forms of business, and instruments 
of writing, selected for copies and practice, should be of the most 
approved in modern use. 

In this way the students would acquire a history of many real 
and important subjects ; and be finally taught to love and respect 
truth, virtue and human excellence, and to honour and reward in- 
dustry and usefulness, both by precept and example. 

Regular and manly exercise, preserves and extends the health 
and vigor, of the body and mind. 

The human mind effeminates and becomes debilitated, and of- 
ten highly diseased, merely from the want of proper exercise of 
the body. 

When the mind gets set, or unable to proceed in its intellectual 
labours, a judicious exercise of the body, generally affords relief, 
by enforcing and equalizing the circulation of the animal and vi- 
tal fluids, and thereby recruiting and renovating the energies of 
the body and mind. 

One young man, judiciously brought up and educated in this 
way, would be worth a dozen of those effeminate, lazy, labor- 
hating, ungrateful, haughty, hypocritical and worthless charac- 
ters, often produced by our colleges ; and let loose to get a living 
in society. Perhaps to cheat some honest female, by their ficti- 
tious acquirements and worth, and get a fortune by marriage ; 
or by their obscure language, and other hypocritical and juggling 
arts and designs, complex, garnish over and manage some profess 

25 



194 COLLEGE LEARNING. 

sional policy, and take the advantage of their fellow beings, in 
the practice of school-craft, priesUcr aft, law-craft, medical-craft, 
literary -craft, or any of the family or subordinates of king-craft ; 
or in office-seeking, or other speculations and trespasses on the 
rights and happiness of others. 

The competition between our numerous college establishments 
and other seminaries for instruction, many of which are now get- 
ting into operation, will, it is hoped, ultimately improve the mat- 
ter and manner of education, and render them more consistent 
with our interests, habits and republican character. 



College Learning. 

The rules, regulations and authorities, that chiefly guide and 
control a college education, have a tendency against the general 
cause of truth, justice and humanity — by prejudicing the minds, 
corrupting the morals, and effeminating the habits of their stu- 
dents ; and finally excite and aid men, so interested, instructed 
and accustomed, in devising and employing hypocritical and 
base arts and designs, to degrade, rob and oppress the common 
people. 

Our colleges, have, indeed, too generally been schools of priv- 
ileged, orders — nurseries of aristocratic pride, habits, ideas and 
interests. 

College learned men, for the most part, combine their know- 
ledge and talents, to bind up the light of Heaven and Earth in 
obscure language — to render a knowledge of the arts and scien- 
ces, tedious, and expensive, in order to exclude their light and 
benefit from the common people, and to secure to themselves un- 
due advantages. 

Spain, probably has more colleges and college learned men, in 
proportion to her numbers, than any other nation ; and who, un- 
der " hismost catholic majesty," are the chief impostors and tyrants 
of that degraded and unhappy country. 

Who, in fact, but those who have been most indulged with ed- 



COLLEGE LEARNING. 195 

ucation and other advantages, are the most base tyrants and impos- 
tors of the old world. 

Learning, is power ; and extra learning or knowledge, is extra 
power. Why, then, should we give this extra power, indiscrim- 
inately to anyone, without knowing their disposition. 

Those who have proved themselves the best friends and bene- 
factors of mankind, seldom have been educated and brought up 
at college. 

Christianity — which teaches mankind, among other excellent 
things, to do unto others as we icoidd that men should do unto us, 
owes its origin, and the progress of its just, humane and benevo- 
lent principles, mostly to men who were not reared or educa- 
ted at college — who had no uncommon interests, learning or ad- 
vantages, over their fellow men. 

Witness also the first charter of civilized rights, which de- 
clares, among other things, that all men are horn free, and equal 
— entitled to certain unalienable rights, to it, freedom, and the 
pursuit of happiness. 

And so indeed are the most important improvements that have 
actually been made in the great cause of justice and humanity, 
mostly indebted for their origin and chief impulse, to men who 
were not educated or bred at college — or even indulged any way 
with extraordinary privileges over their fellow men. It is quite 
an extraordinary occurrence, for those who possess considerable 
advantages over their fellow men, to befriend the cause of equal 
justice. 

William Penn, Franklin, Samuel Adams, Patrick Henry, 
Washington, Jefferson, Roger Sherman, generals Greene, Put- 
nam, Jackson, with Rittenhouse, Fulton, and a host of our 
greatest and best friends and benefactors, were not brought up and 
educated at college. 

Watt, Arkwright, and Wedgewood, three mechanics, of Eng- 
land, have rendered more important sevices to their country, than 
probably most or all of their college learned men together, for the 
period of their active existence. 



!96 REPUBLICAN ENCYCLOPEDIA. 

Republican Encyclopedia. 

There is a great want, in this country, of a truly Republican 
Encyclopedia — a kind of universal dictionary— -a publication 
giving a brief and explicit general explanation and account of the 
proper meaning of all the important words in common use, as they 
concern us in general, relating to history, geography, statisticks, 
biography, the arts, sciences, and human improvements. There 
should be nothing in it only what is of importance and general 
use, and given in our own language ; all alphabetically arranged 
under proper and intelligent heads, with plates or prints illustra- 
tive of the most necessary and important subjects, that could not 
be sufficiently described without their aid. 

The New Edinburgh Encyclopedia, republishing in this coun- 
try, is a valuable and important work of the kind. The main 
substance of the matter has been re-icritten , abridged, and gene- 
rally given in good language. Yet there is a considerable part in 
latin, and much more that is objectionable, or worse than useless 
to common readers, as it greatly increases the expense' of the 
work, detains its publication, and encumbers the volumes, to no 
manner of use, to at least ninety and nine hundredths of the 
people of this country in pursuit of general knowledge. It is cal- 
culated for men of extra wealth and learning — the natural aristo- 
cracy of a country. The volumes are much too large for common 
use, and for admission into ordinary bookcases. Besides, there is 
a great deal too much matter concerning foreign countries, and 
nothing nigh enough relating to the history, geography, statisticks, 
biography, arts, sciences and improvements of our own country. 
In short, the New Edinburgh Encyclopedia is mainly aristocratic, 
and foreign ; we want an Encyclopedia that is domestic in its 
matter and usefulness, and republican in form and manner. 

The publication should be undertaken by a number of persons 
associated in the general concern, one at least of whom should 
reside in every considerable state or section of our country, who 
should take upon himself the disposal of a certain number of co- 
pies, and to procure and furnish for printing, the original mat- 



REPUBLICAN ENCYCLOPEDIA. 197 

ter necessary for the publication, relating particularly to his dis- 
trict or section of the concern. 

The work should be printed at some central and convenient 
place in our country, and conducted by an able and well qualified 
editor, with a number of assistants. 

There would probably be from six to eight volumes, of about 
the size of the English and Classical Dictionary , published at 
Burlington, N. J. in 1813. Or the volumes might be smaller and 
more numerous. 

More than three-fourths of the prints contained in the N. Edin- 
burgh Encyclopedia, are useless to common readers ; and many of 
the rest might be abridged and simplified ; and most of these might 
be executed by wood cuts, and printed off typographically along 
with the main letter work. This alone would make an immense 
saving in the time and expense of execution. 

There should be no prints bound in the volume over the size of 
two leaves. Maps, if larger, should be printed on strong bank- 
paper, and used in an atlas, with a limber paper cover. 

The volume should be completed, bound, and all the prints in 
their places, ready for immediate use, when the books are deliv- 
ered. 

Two volumes might be completed in a year ; and from ten to 
fifty thousand sets would meet with ready subscription or sale, if 
the publication is properly taken hold of and conducted, or suffi- 
cient assurances are given for the faithful performance of the 
work. 

Probably it might be afforded at from five to six dollars a volume, 
if of the largest size proposed, and proportionably less for a 
smaller size. 

Such a work would admit of constant improvement, ' from new 
matter alone ; and the utility and importance of the publication, 
would justify the belief, that a new edition might be immediately 
commenced, as soon as the original was completed, and so on, a 
third, fourth, &c. 

Such a publication would be most admirably calculated to col- 
lect, digest, concentrate, and diffuse throughout this extensive na- 
tion, a general knowledge of the world, and particularly of the 



198 REPUBLICAN ENCYCLOPEDIA. 

history, geography, statisticks, biography, the arts, sciences, and 
improvements, of our own time, and country. 

The several volumes of this publication would constitute a li- 
brary, as it were, of themselves, for common readers. And one the 
most perfectly adapted to their general wants, circumstances, and 
convenience, giving a brief general explanation and description of 
all the most neeesaary, interesting and important subjects of histo- 
ry and general science ; arranged under their proper heads, with 
references at the close of every extensive subject, to the principal 
authors or books that treat further on the same ; so that, if the 
reader desires further information on any particular subject, he is 
directed where to find it. 

Subjects of general importance to the common people, would 
be detailed the most minutely, and others of less consequence 
more briefly noticed, and so on in proportion to their general utili- 
ty and the public wants. 

The people of this country generally, and particularly those of 
a common school education, and those in middling circumstances, 
are most in want of such a publication ; where they can readily 
turn, in their leisure moments, when any circumstance or idea 
occurs on which they want to make enquiries, in regard to history 
or general science. By such a course of reading and reflection, 
their minds would be constantly acquiring the most valuable and 
desirable information, in the most effectual way to retain it, and 
at the least trouble, expense, and loss of time. 

The book-making-craft — those who wish to spin out every sub- 
ject to its greatest possible length ; those who have got large 
stocks of obsolete, useless or unsaleable books on hand — heaps of 
sturToften not worth culling, or storage ; and those whose interest 
or policy devotes them to the promotion of complex, obscure and 
expensive systems of education : and in fact, all who are any 
way against employing the best means for instructing and en- 
lightening the common people, will feel interested in opposing the 
publication and sale of a truly Republican Encyclopedia. It 
may therefore be of some importance to bear these hints in mind. 



CRAFT. 199 

Craft. 

Men often employ little subtleties and artifices, to deceive and 
rob, or enslave their fellow beings, quite similar to those used by 
fishermen, trappers, and hunters, to decoy and take wild game or 
animals of the brute kind. For instance — 

Lottery brokers, bait with a few capital prizes, pompously fig- 
ured out on hand bills, containing flattering and deceptive accounts 
of the " scheme ;" perhaps the lucky character of the office at 
which the tickets are offered for sale ! and other hypocritical 
allurements to induce the purchasers of tickets to expect a final 
gain ! and then hook their silly and deluded customers, with ficti- 
tious advances on the price of tickets, myriads of blanks, and a 
good round discount on the amount of prizes. Some lotteries have 
been managed to cheat in the drawing, and actual result of prizes ; 
and in some failures have taken place, so that the amount of pri- 
zes drawn, never were paid. 

Quack doctors and hypocritical nostrum venders, bait with 
their pretended remedies and cure-alls, and then hook you 
with, perhaps increased illness, or confirmed debility, or disease. 
At any rate, they are pretty sure to get their customer's money 
without giving them an equivolent of equal value in return. 

Venders of deceitful made wares, or articles of fictitious value, 
often lure and take in their customers, with as much deceitfulness, 
as fishermen employ, when they angle and take their game with 
an artificial fly. 

Banks, and brokers, often bait and decoy people into their pow- 
er and confidence, with accommodation discounts, when money 
is plenty, and when it becomes scarce, hawl in and take their 
customers in the snares of debt, vexation, and bankruptcy. Some 
banking companies — by displaying heaps of gold and silver on 
their counters, and by other manifestations of promptness and 
ability, have obtained a valuable currency for their pretty little 
pictures, and even induced people to deposite their money with 
them for safe keeping ; and some, by fictitious representations, 
or pretended profits, have obtained a premium on the amount and 



200 CRAFT. 

sale of their eapital stock, and then managed to take the multi- 
tude of their confidents, in the trap of their specieless vaults, 
absconding integrity and responsibility. 

Grog-shops, are a kind of squat traps, where old sottish block- 
heads miserably squander their time and money, and at the same 
time serve as a kind of hoverers, or decays, to entice silly boys 
and other simpletons, to creep in and get their pates squashed, 
with confirmed indolence, intemperance, poverty, disease, debt, 
and perhaps crimes.* 

Prisons are often a kind of wire-trap, to those who foolishly 
run in debt, or treacherously pursue some object or impulse of 
evil temptation, and ultimately find themselves brought up and 
confined where they can look through, and see others outside the 
trap enjoying their liberty. 

Men sometimes unite to obstruct, or monopolize, the natural and 
fair course of things, and glide people into their power, as fisher- 
men build weirs across rivers to turn the fish into their pots and 
pounds. 

Tyrants and men in arms, often frighten people into the snares 
of slavery ; or take their persons and property by force, as fisher- 
men sweep and take their game with scoop-nets and seines. 

Unprincipled and designing priests, and lawyers, study to fix 
their puzzling " mysteries" and perplexing and vexatious " un- 
certainties," to entangle and rob those in pursuit of political jus- 
tice, and divine happiness, with as much art and diligence, as 
spiders employ to make their webs and entangle the flies and 

*A person complaining 1 of grog-shops, (in their usual loose and un- 
guarded condition,) as the hot beds of indolence, vice, and poverty — the 
real nurseries of human misery and degradation, was called to account 
for his formerly having been an advocate for unbounded licenses to grog 
shops ; when he explained and said, that at the time they referred to, he 
was practising law, and expected the chief part of his business and gains - 
from the improvident debts, quarrels, crimes — deeds of ignorance, want 
and depravity generally that originate in grog-shops : But now, he had 
done with the practice of law, and grog-shops only increased his insecu- 
rity, and burden of taxes, in common with others in society. And, 
therefore, he did, most sincerely desire the decrease, and rigid restriction 
of, grog-shops. 



CRAFT. 201 

other weak insects, in their passages and other inviting places of 
resort. 

Lewd and other unprincipled seducers, ha.it and decoy unsuspi- 
cious virtue and innocence into their power and confidence, by 
false flattery, professed friendship, and apparent generosity. 

There is a method of hunting partridges, or pheasants, as some 
call them, by starting them up in the woods, on to the middle or 
under limbs of trees, by a little yelping dog, whose threatening 
and harmless blustering, engages the attention of the bird, while 
the huntsman deliberately approaches, unobserved,- or unheeded, 
chooses his position and makes the fatal explosion. 

How many little yelpers do we often see striving to attract and 
pervert the peoples' attention, while some fatal adversary of the 
republic is choosing his position and taking deliberate aim at our 
national virtue, liberty, independence and prosperity ? 

Some of our knavish and hypocritical politicians, have laboured 
to fix the public attention on some distant or harmless object, while 
they approached and secured their game : at one time, the haughty 
and corrupt tyrants of the old world, were just a going to swim 
over and devour the republic ! at another time the little yelpers of 
our own country, were the particular objects of terror and watch- 
fulness — they seemed to say, " Look at the overgrown tyrants of 
the old world — see how they devour the common people ! watch 
their scenting ! growling ! crouching ! and leaping ! Watch 
the little yelpers of our own country — see they don't tear you in 
pieces ! or swallow up your liberties like a volcano ! But don't 
trouble yourselves about us — we men of honour — the people's 
friends ; let us alone, and we can do well enough !*' 

Every enlightened and observing republican of America, will 
readily perceive that we have but little to apprehend from external 
foes, or the little yelpers of our own country ; while the internal 
enemies of our republican virtue, independence and prosperity, 
can hardly be too closely watched and guarded. Those men 
(professedly) without guile or evil intentions, whose purring lan- 
guage lulls to sleep, while their actions silently prey upon the very 
vitals of the republic, like a cancer nigh the heart. 

Look in the dark and crooked avenues that lead to public pow- 

96 



•lift CRAFT. 

er, confidence and favor; overhaul the treasure' in the public 
vault — count the cash and examine the tellers' entries ; enter the 
steward's apartment and see who makes merry with the public 
stores : reconnoitre the sentinels on duty, and particularly at the 
silent hours of the watch ; eye the public servants — see how 
much time they waste in indolence, or neglect of their duties — in 
juggling for places, contracts, and favours, for themselves, families, 
connexions and favorites, and in useless or mischievous quibbling, 
or gabbling to the hindrance of themselves and others : see that 
all in the public service earn their wages, and that no one unpro- 
fitable servant is retained in the public employ. 

These are the places to search for the worst enemies of the re- 
public. 

If we observe them faithfully, shall we not find public swindlers 
— men who have got, or retained possession of the public funds, 
under an unnecessary, quibbling or false pretext, and then strove 
to retain, or defeat a recovery, or return of the same 1 sinecures — 
men quietly enjoying the fat emoluments and perquisites of office, 
without performing the duties thereof 1 men of desperate fortunes 
and characters, successfully seeking public offices, contracts and 
favors ? legislators, and others employed to devise, and execute, 
the best possible measures for the public relief, benefit, and future 
welfare, seeking places, contracts, and favors for themselves, fami- 
lies, friends, or confederates in an unequal and unjust policy ? 
Public servants quibbling away their time, or studiously increas- 
ing, or prolonging, the public burdens and distress, to favor their 
own professional gains, and private speculations 1 public sentinels 
"bribed, or asleep on their stations, while the enemy are in sight, 
surrounding the citadel of our national liberty, independence and 
prosperity — by corrupting our habits, manners and policy ? mis- 
directing, or defeating the best application of the talents, capital, 
and enterprize of our country ? 

Craft studies to make game of fellow-beings — to spoil on hu- 
man virtue, industry and merit. 



CONVERSATION BETWEEN A LAWYER, FARMER, &c. 203 

Conversation between a Lawyer, a Farmer, and a Mechanic, re- 
specting the Formation of a State Constitution. 

The lawyer said, that he would have a clause incorporated in 
the constitution, expressly to prohibit priest s, or religious preach- 
ers of any grade, sect or denomination, from holding offices, and 
particularly to have them excluded from being members of the 
legislature. He said they were generally a set of metaphysical, 
visionary, bigoted talkers ; whose learning and attention was 
chiefly confined to spiritual matters, or schemes of religious faith ; 
and that they were so little in the habit of dealing in realities, and 
of being confronted in their declamations and arguments, that it 
would be difficult to reason with them, and particularly on matters 
that concern the state. 

Although they generally profess to consider mankind as sinners, 
or corrupt in nature ; they are often so good themselves, in their 
own estimation, that he feared there would be no such thing as 
long living with them in peace. In a legislative body, priests 
would expect a deference or kind of homage paid to them, and 
their opinions ; and would probably be for wasting a good deal of 
the public time in useless gabble and ceremonies. — 

They already claim mankind as their JlocJcs ; but, continued 
the lawyer, once admit the priests of this country to become law- 
givers, and how long before they would be for shearing and other- 
ways appropriating the fatlings of their flocks — or in other words, 
be using their power and influence for their own peculiar benefit? 
Probably their efforts would be directed to exempt their own per- 
sons and property from all taxes and public burdens ; to have 
permanent funds, and fixed salaries provided for their accommo- 
dation and support through life ; to have the ruling clergy, or a 
standing order, as a body, invested with the superintendence and 
control of schools, colleges, and matters of education generally ; 
and finally to have all christening, marrying, and funeral rites and 
ceremonies, subject to their order and control, as an established 
priesthood. And how long, concluded the lawyer, would it be, 
after priests were permitted to legislate and mingle in the affairs 



204 CONVERSATION BETWEEN A LAWYER, FARMER, &c 

of state, before we should have hardly liberty enough left to be 
worth contending for ? 

The farmer, said, that one of our country's earliest benefac- 
tors, and greatest statesmen, (William Penn,) although perhaps 
never strictly a licensed preacher, ordained or settled salary cler- 
gyman, had been, he understood, a religious preacher. The late 
Joel Barlow, he understood, was educated to the pulpit ; and ma- 
ny other of our best statesmen were clergymen or religious teach- 
ers, for a period of their lives. If the people were disposed, once 
in a while to send a priest or religious teacher to represent their 
concerns in the public legislature, he could see no reason suffi- 
cient to prevent it. Let every profession, said the farmer, be du- 
ly represented in the public concerns. This he thought not only 
just and reasonable, but absolutely necessary for the preservation 
of our equal rights and liberties. We admit, said he, doctors, 
and lawyers — the latter sometimes by the dozen, into the legis- 
lature, and allow, or rather we do not prevent them, as yet, from 
helping themselves to the principal offices of state ; each of which 
professions have their peculiar prejudices, habits, interests and 
policy to rule them : He said, perhaps lawyers would like to have 
the legislative and other public talking pretty much under the 
control of those of their own quibling profession. No doubt, con- 
tinued the farmer, lawyers would be glad to secure all the fattest 
offices to themselves, and those of their own crooked craft, and 
policy ; and to have it so that none but regular bred lawyers could 
debate, or act any important part in legislation ; draught a bill for a 
public act, draw a writ, or other legal instrument of writing, or 
perform the duties required in any considerable legislative, judi- 
cial, or executive office or capacity. After this, concluded the 
farmer, how much would our privileges be worth ! 

Doctors, said the mechanic, have some professional perquisites 
and privileges to seek for, as well as the other two learned profes- 
sions, so called. Perhaps their policy would lead them to desire 
laws enacted to secure to regular bred and licensed physicians, the 
exclusive privilege of practising medicine, surgery, and midwife- 
ry ; and to have the sole control of compounding, and of selling 
medicine. 



LITERACY CRAFT. 205 

If these three professions, (priests, lawyers and doctors,) should 
unite to effect their policy and purposes, and govern us, what 
would be the condition of farmers and mechanics ! Let us, then, 
concluded the mechanic, see to it, and mind that none are per- 
mitted to indulge in the establishment, or practice of, a partial 
or destructive league, craft or policy ! 



Literary Craft. 

In the various little arts and efforts employed to obscure light 
— to embarrass the progress of truth and reason ; and to render 
education unnecessarily tedious, and expensive ; there is nothing, 
perhaps, more deserving of attention, at this time, and in this 
country, than the use which is frequently made of the dead, and 
foreign languages, in communications to the public. — For instance, 
what is more unnecessary, or absurd, than to mingle paragraphs or 
sentences of the foreign or dead languages, in verbal or written 
communications to the public, when not one person in a hundred 
generally understands them ? How provoking it is, when reading 
a book or publication in our own native language, to find parts or 
passages totally excluded from our understanding — perhaps the 
very knob of a story, ox pith of the subject, is given in Latin, 
French, or some other foreign or dead language, which not one 
person in a hundred generally understands ; and which fact must 
have been known to the author or publisher, in this country. 

It would be considered very insolent, in a person who should 
address a large number in a language which he knew not more 
than one in a hundred of them understood, and especially when 
he was able to communicate in their own native tongue. And 
yet the people of this country receive such insults every day, and 
from those characters, too, who claim to be the very patrons of 
consistency and good breeding, in their verbal and written com- 
munications to the public. 

Can any thing be more absurd, than for an enlightened and 
free people, to have the very mottoes of their national and state 



206 LITERARY CRAFT. 

arms, (which every body ought to understand,) in latin, or some 
other obscure and blind language. 

The same blind and hypocritical craft is manifested in the de- 
signs of many of our paintings, engravings, and sculptures. In- 
stead of representing things truly, as they are, by figures and 
characters intelligent to the common understanding, they often 
require classical learning — or a kind of second sight, to enable a 
person to interpret and understand their meaning. 

The motto in the state arms of Pennsylvania, is in our own 
native language, so that every body can generally understand it. 
This is as it should be. 

There is no serious objection to individuals learning as many 
different languages as they please, provided they study at their own 
expense, and do not insult or bother the public with their blind 
lingo. 

If there is any thing found in the foreign or dead languages, 
worthy of general attention, let it be translated, and the meaning 
faithfully given in our own language ; but, if nothing else will 
guard us from the insolence and impositions affected by this ab- 
surd use of blind language, I should hope there might be a law 
established for the purpose. 

If an author or individual wishes to give the public a hint of 
his having had college learning, or to excite a vast idea of his clas- 
sical or literary acquirements, beyond what is manifested by the 
real matter or merits of his productions, let him put on his mark: 
— For instance, if an author or individual had studied the He- 
brew, Greek, and Latin languages, he would be entitled to attach 
to his name, H. G. L. and if he knew the French, or any other 
foreign language, or wished to convey an idea of his extra attain- 
ments in any other branch of learning, by just adding to his name 
or title, the first letter of each subject, would enable him to accom- 
plish the object, without introducing any metaphysical reasoning, 
sophistry, or blind lingo, into the matter of his communications. 
Then, if an author had studied the Hebrew, Greek, and Latin lan- 
guages, and had laboured in the metaphysics, and was master of 
sophistry, or the art of juggling with letters and words, he could 
attach to his name, H. G. L. M. S. J. And, in order to render 



LITERARY CRAFT. 207 

the matter the more intricate and learned, the letters might be ar- 
ranged bachvards, or placed bottom upwards. This would puz- 
zle the vulgar, and give them a prodigious idea of the learning 
and elevation of the author, and save them the time and trouble 
of examining into the truth and soundness of his assertions ! 

If our shoe-makers and tailors were to make out their bills in 
the dead or foreign languages, it would be pretty much the same 
as the cases referred to. We should all be obliged to learn those 
languages, or hazard our chance of being insulted and imposed 
upon. 

A memorandum in latin, was presented at an apothecary's shop 
for several articles of drugs and medicines, with a request that 
the bill might be made out in English, so that they might all un- 
derstand it — the person who was a going to pay for, and use the 
drugs and medicines, as well as the doctor who prescribed and 
made out the memorandum, and the apothecary who sold the ar- 
ticles. 

Those who have spent considerable time and money in learning 
the dead languages, with an expectation of deriving an advantage 
from teaching or interpreting the same to others, or by obscuring 
and the better managing some learned craft, or blind hypocriti- 
cal policy, contend for their utility and importance ; and say that 
their real beauties and descriptive powers are lost by translation, 
and that, subjects of ancient literature must be studied in their 
original tongue, in order to be duly understood and appreciated. 

This puts me in mind of a story. A traveller got out of money 
on a journey, and had recourse to the stratagem of exhibiting his 
horse to replenish his purse. He procured a tight stable, tied his 
starving horse with his tail to a manger full of hay, and gave out 
notice that he had got a wonderful horse there to show — his tail 
was where his head should be ! The marvellous nocked to the 
exhibition. The traveller, cautiously admitted in but one at a 
time. The first, finding himself caught, resolved not to be laughed 
at alone, and so expressed himself highly gratified and pleased 
with the show ; the second, taking the hint, also said he had fully 
received his money's worth ; the third, taking the same hint, said 
he did not grudge his money for the sight ; the fourth, fifth, 



208 LITERARY CRAFT, 

sixth, and so on, continued seemingly resolved to have as much 
company as possible, in order to leave but few out of the trap to 
get the laugh upon them. Impatient at the slow manner of ad- 
mitting visiters, some began to inquire very earnestly of those who 
had been in, something about the wonderful animal : but they 
said it would be folly in them, even to attempt a description — every 
one must go in and see for themselves, in order to understand and 
duly appreciate the novelty and interest of the exhibition. 

In order to bewilder the senses, waste the time, and misdirect 
the inquiries and energies of the common people, men of the 
learned craft, often set up^ or treat as important, some visionary, 
useless or mischievous scheme, project or undertaking. A few 
conspicuous examples of this policy and conduct, have lately been 
publicly exhibited, in our own country. RedheifFer's pretended 
demonstration of perpetual motion, was held out ^as a matter of 
fact, for a considerable length of time — although every practical 
man, well informed on the subject, must have known that the 
thing was utterly impossible. At another time, Capt. Symmes's vis- 
ionary and useless theory of, and pretended expedition to, an in- 
terior world, has been caught hold of and treated as a serious and 
important matter. And at another time, a plan for flying, was 
brought before congress, as a subject of actual and national im- 
portance.* 

The leaders of such tricks and impositions on the public, ought 
to be sent to our state prisons, tread-mills, workhouses, or insane 
hospitals. 

While men of learning seem to think it pretty to play the devil 
with mankind, we must not be surprised at any thing — but be 
well upon our guard. 

While men of this craft aid and encourage, on the one hand, 
such visionary, useless and mischievous projects, on the other 
hand, they are generally the foes of practical, useful and impor- 
tant improvements and undertakings. 

Much of what is now peculiarly denominated literary mat- 



* The pretended automaton chess player, is another, and late fashion- 
able humbug, or cheat. 



OLD FAMILY COMPACTS. 209 

ter, is the most simpering, insipid and useless stuff that comes 
from the press ; and seems peculiarly calculated to make literary 
fools. 



Old Family Compacts. 

Time, and policy, have a general tendency to unite wealthy and 
influential families and individuals, in matrimonial and other con- 
nexions or compacts : and, where their policy and designs are 
not watched and guarded against, by vigilant and effectual meas- 
ures, they eventually assume the unjust and oppressive consequen- 
ces of a privileged order, or organized aristocracy ; and not un- 
frequently supersede the power of regular government. This is 
peculiarly the case with old countries. 

In some parts of the United States, these leagues, or aristocrat- 
ic combinations, with their tools and underlings, have already 
assumed a degree of power and influence, that sets common jus- 
tice at defiance. It is highly alarming to the best interests of our 
country, and calls loudly for some powerful and efficient measures 
of restraint and correction. 

When, and wherever such combinations attempt to erect them- 
selves into force, and especially to interfere and prevent a free and 
full exercise of the laws, in favor of an individual ; or unite to 
pervert the laws, to persecute or any way wrong an individual ; 
or in any way conspire to interrupt his peace, or to annoy his per- 
son, pursuits or happiness, from unnecessary or unwarrantable 
motives, the offence should be punished with an ample penalty, 
and by practical means. In all cases, when such combinations 
attempt to exercise their influence or other means, against an in- 
dividual, in any public controversy or legal process, the fact should 
be noticed, in order that a due allowance might be made for the 
extra power and influence, of such combination. 

It is, indeed, the duty of every friend to justice and humanity, 
and especially all who profess to maintain the boon of equal jus- 
tice to all men, to counteract, by every just and reasonable effort. 

27 



21Q SYSTEMS OF RELIGION. 

in their power, the policy and conduct of such old family combi- 
nations — check their unjust and baneful influence, and policy, 
at once, and deter others from ever attempting the like, again. 

Unless some powerful and efficient measures are soon put in 
operation, to defeat and destroy this germ of ancient despotism, 
individuals will be unable to maintain their rights and privilege? 
against them. 



Systems of Religion. 

Creeds, or systems of religion, are mainly the speculative 
works of human contrivance, like other inventions. r i o devise 
some scheme that would look plausible, and finally enable the 
chief projectors and managers to realize an object or advantage — 
to gain an ascendancy and maintain a controling power over their 
fellow-beings, has generally been the ruling policy or motive of 
creed makers. The Bible is the store from which they select 
the chief materials for forming their various theories : and from 
which, in fact, every man of an independent mind, generally 
forms or regulates, more or less, his own creed, or religious faith. 

Papistry, or the doctrine of the Roman church, was evidently 
designed to facilitate a despotic government and control over man- 
kind — whereby the creature might assume to himself, the homage 
which is due, only to the Creator. 

Calvinism, although calculated to abate the extreme despotism 
and corruption of the papal creed and authority, was nevertheless 
made subservient to the leading policy and designs of kingcraft. 
The author's ideas of pre-election and sovereign grace, and of the 
total depravity and unworthiness of the creature to merit any 
thing of himself, are striking samples of king-craft, or legitimacy. 

The author of this scheme, John Calvin, was bred a lawyer ; 
and no doubt saw how to combine church and state policy, under 
a hypocritical and puzzling scheme, for the particular benefit of 
the few. Had Calvin possessed the feeling and character of a 
true Christian, he certainly would never have consented to, much 



MEDICAL CRAFT. fit 

less have caused the cruel and relentless death of Servetus, for a 
mere difference of opinion. 

The Trinitarian, or Church of England creed — which holds 
out the idea of three heads to one body, is so much like the British 
political system, that I cannot help regarding them both as work 
of the same craft. There is the Father, the Son, and the Holy 
Ghost, (comprising what they term their spiritual head,) and the 
king, the nobles, and the people, (called their temporal head,) all 
artfully and systematically combined in one, complex and puz- 
zling scheme of church and state government. The king, I be- 
lieve, claims to be the head of this church and state sovereignty — 
although often a more zm-christianlike character could hardly be 
found in the empire. 

Papistry, has usurped the sovereignty of Heaven and hell, and 
placed the keys under the control of fallible mortal beings. 

Calvinism, hzs fixed the fate of every human being, independ- 
ent of their actions — merits or demerits — even before they were 
born, and thereby destroyed the motives for exertion to obtain fu- 
ture happiness by good worJcs. 

Although the inventors and advocates of these creeds, or 
schemes of church policy, often quarrel, stoutly, about their com- 
parative merits and consistencies, yet it would be difficult to find 
any thing like Christianity, in either : — the first, places our fu- 
ture destiny, at the judgment and control of fallible beings ; and 
the second fixes our fate, independent of human actions. 

True Christianity, seeks the equal and greatest possible 
good, of the whole of mankind ; and sectarianism, generally 
studies the particular benefit of the few, at the expense and inju- 
ry of the many. 

There is no sectarianism in Heaven. 



Medical Craft. 



It is obviously the craft, or crooked policy and cunning for tht 
most part pursued by unprincipled and designing physicians, to com- 



212 MEDICAL CRAFT. 

plex and disguise the principal articles or materials of which medi- 
cine is composed, so as to render them difficult to be understood, 
and hazardous to administer, without their aid or advice ; and to 
discourage the use of simple remedies, such as are easily procur- 
ed, readily understood, and safely administered without their aid 
or advice. 

However unnatural or inhuman it may seem, it is nevertheless 
a prominent branch of the craft, to keep mankind in ignorance, 
as much as possible, of the real cause and nature of the principal 
diseases and infirmities to which human nature is liaole, and of the 
actual quality and fitness of remedies. 

In a late controversy among physicians, the last article I have 
observed in public print on the subject ; the writer, who is eviden- 
ly one of the craft, and wrote with the advice and consent of a 
number more, thus expresses himself: — 

" Now we regret exceedingly that medical questions should be 
made the subject of newspaper discussions." 

This controversy grew out of a new method of treating fevers, 
whereby they may be broken up on their first commencement ; 
and thereby prevent the dangers and lengthy fits of sickness oc- 
casioned by their usual treatment. 

This is certainly an important discovery for mankind ; and, it 
appears the author has liberally published to the world, his theory 
and practice in the case. 

The craft seems to be quite alarmed. Had the author confin- 
ed his improvement to the faculty ; or had he detailed the principal 
facts in latin, so that none but classical gentlemen could have un- 
derstood it ; the craft might still continue their old mode of 
practice, with the vulgar multitude. But now, since the matter 
has been published, and in the common language of the country, 
the public confidence in the reality and importance of the discov- 
ery must be destroyed, or every physician will have to adopt it in 
his own practice — greatly to the reduction of the usual number of 
visits, and length of bills ! 

This attack of the craft, upon this truly humane, and important 
improvement, in the treatment of fevers, plays round with a great 



RELIGIOUS AND POLITICAL REVIEWS. 213 

deal of studied malice and deceit, without actually touching upon 
the real merits of the case. 

The craft grow sick of the contest, and manifest a dread of the 
common freedom of the press, like other enemies to truth, jus- 
tice, liberty, and human improvement. They even manifest 
symptoms of desperation, in which they seem to say, 

" No matter how dearly improvements in the science and prac- 
tice of medicine, concerns the lives, fortunes, and happiness of 
mankind ; whenever they have a considerable tendency to dimin- 
ish our practice and influencee in society, they must be put down 
— softly and secretly, if they can, but loudly and openly, if we 
must." 

Reason is my best physician ; nature my apothecary, and expe- 
rience my nurse. 

Abstinence, is often the best remedy for an overcrowded stom- 
ach ; water, or other simple fluids, to dilute and relieve a hard 
pulse, and to promote the animal secretions of the body generally ; 
and well-timed and appropriate exercise, to equalize the circula- 
tion of the vital and animal fluids — to relieve painful depres- 
sions, and ultimately to renovate a weak or debilitated constitu- 
tion — especially when aided by simple, solid and healthy food. 

" Build up of the durables," and work the flesh well on. 

From a mistaken kindness or humanity, people often take the 
most effectual methods to excite disease, and promote debility, 
and ultimately overcome the patient, instead of renovating the 
constitution and overcoming natural weakness or debility. 

The plant that stands out in the open field, exposed to the full 
power of the sun, the rain, and the winds, expands and be- 
comes a stalky, vigorous and healthy tree ; but the young saplin 
that grows up in the shade, screened from the full power and in- 
fluence of the seasoning elements, is generally slender and fee- 
ble. 



Religious and Political Reviews. 
The publication of candid, judicious and faithful reviews, of 



214 RELIGIOUS AND POLITICAL REVIEWS. 

our religious and political concerns — comparing our practice with 
our professions, and the whole with the true standards of Chris- 
tianity, and republicanism, would be highly beneficial, in promo- 
ting consistency j improvement, and good works. 

A religious review — by judiciously comparing the practices of 
professed Christians with their precepts, and the whole with the 
true Christian character, would have an important tendency to 
exalt the rising generation — improve their character and happi- 
ness. 

The review should be conducted in the true spirit of Christian 
frankness and liberality • and the standard of comparison should 
always be their works compared with their precepts, and the whole 
with the true Christian character. 

It is a fact greatly to be lamented, that religious publications, 
even in this free country, are chiefly confined to the narrow 
views of some sectarian creed or policy, rather than extended to 
the best good of the whole, upon true Christian justice and philan- 
thropy. 

A thorough and candid review of our political transactions and 
concerns, judiciously comparing our leading maxims, measures, 
habits and designs, with the principles and true character of re- 
publicanism, would do more to detect and expose political hypo- 
crites, blockheads and knaves ; and ultimately to insure our con- 
sistency and national prosperity, than all the crooked quibbles, 
sophistry and trash that circulates in our public prints — tiring the 
patience, perplexing and bewildering the understanding of the hon- 
est inquirers after political truth and consistency. 

Such a work would serve as a political standard, for testing 
both, men and measures. 

In viewing our political measures, maxims, customs and habits 
of life, the standard of comparison, should be, are they just 1 
necessary, reasonable and consistent with the principles of repub' 
licanism ? and are they judiciously calculated, on the whole, to be 
beneficial to the community at large, and as the best the nature of 
the case admits of ? 

Like separating the choice seed from among the false and im- 
perfect ; selecting and refining the true metals from dross and 



RELIGIOUS AND POLITICAL REVIEWS. 215 

alloy ; or like weeding and moulding the genuine plants ; so these 
reviews would be distinguishing and cultivating the real princi- 
ples of Christianity and republicanism ; and thereby exalting 
the human character, and increasing the general intelligence, 
security, prosperity and happiness of the human family. 

Almost every other subject, or late production of the press, has 
passed the jaws of reviewers; but often without being any better 
digested, refined, or their main worth separated from their use- 
less and bad qualities, than if a whirlwind had raked and bespat- 
tered the sheets. 

When we fully consider the motives that interest and control re- 
viewers, the result need not often surprise any one. 

The wasp seeks poison, and the bee honey, from the same gen- 
eral source. 

A skilful reviewer, disposed to hinder the sale of any particu- 
lar book or publication, or to counteract the doctrines or matter it 
contains, without any regard to truth and fairnesss, may easily 
embitter or prejudice the public mind to his purpose, by a few 
artful selections, remarks and insinuations. On the other hand, 
when the reviewer is desirous of promoting the sale, or aiding the 
matter or success of any particular book, project, or undertaking, 
he can as easily sweeten and stimulate the public mind to favor his 
purpose, by a few artful selections, remarks and insinuations. So 
that, by reading an uncandid or deficient review, mankind generally 
would be more likely to be deceived and ultimately misled, than 
if they depended on their own judgment, in regard to the various 
publications and the matter they contain. 

Some of our reviewers are real dandies in literature and 
general science, puffed up with all the vanity and effected conse- 
quence of superiors, while in fact they are below the common lev- 
el in actual worth. 

Some, who pretend to review valuable publications, seem to go 
upon the plan of sponging from their authors and proprietors, 
something to fill up their own, mostly, otherways, barren and 
worthless pages. — 

Something like a certain pretended connoisseur in choice arti- 
cles of liquors, segars, &c, who used to go the roands frequent- 



216 ROGUES' POLICY. 

ly, to try new supplies of the kind, in order, he said, that he 
might be enabled to recommend them to others ; and by which 
means he nighly or quite supplied his own wants, without paying 
for the articles ! 

The people of this country, generally, must learn to judge for 
themselves, of the merits, and demerits, of what circulates from 
the press — as the better part of the community already do. 
However, candid, able and faithful reviews, facilitate the pro- 
gress of every moral, political, and scientific truth and informa- 
tion ; and they are therefore greatly to be desired. 



Rogues' Policy. 

Unprincipled and designing men, generally, and particularly 
those who feel interested in the increase of criminal and other 
offences, and excitements thereto, would be inclined to favor, 
under some hypocritical or quibbling pretence, the little arts, 
savings and false maxims, designed and propagated to stigmatize 
and deter people from the actions necessary to detect, punish and 
defeat, villainy. 

" The biggest rogue cries rogue first'" — (said a rogue, in order 
to deter people from proclaiming him.) 

" Set a rogue to catch a rogue''" — (said a rogue, to deter people 
from catching him.) 

" Biggest rogues turn State's evidence" — (said an old head 
rogue, to prevent his following accomplices from testifying 
against him.) And all, too, as if rogues were really and design- 
edly working against their own craft ! 

Among these designing arts to favor villainy, there is none 
more culpable, and pernicious in its general effects, than the fol- 
lowing false law maxim ; and which was, no doubt, invented and 
propagated to prevent the conviction and punishment of criminal 
and other offenders. Namely, 

That it were better, (no doubt better for rogues, and their ad- 
vocates and participators,) that ten — lord Hale says ninety, guilty 



ROGUES' POLICY. 217 

persons should be suffered to escape punishment, than that one 
innocent person should suffer. • 

This has actually been propagated in the world, as a maxim 
founded in sober truth and reason — although it is manifest to ev- 
ery man of common discernment, information and reflection, that 
one or more innocent persons generally do suffer, from every 
criminal and other offender, and particularly from the guilty and 
unrelenting villains who escape conviction and punishment, and 
are let loose upon society. Besides, we are constantly putting the 
lives of innocent persons in jeopardy, in the pursuit, detection, 
arrest, conviction and punishment of criminal and other offend- 
ers. 

The following dialogue or conversation, between A. and B. 
may serve further to explain the subject. 

A. Mankind love to be cheated and imposed upon. 

B. Do you, Mr. A. like to be cheated and imposed upon ? 

A. No — certainly not. 

B. Did you ever hear any person acknowledge that they liked 
•to be cheated and imposed upon ? 

A. No — never. 

B. How, then, do you ascertain the matter ? 

A. I have often observed people making light of bad bargains, 
and other cheats and impositions they had suffered. 

B. It is a very common policy for people to make as light as 
possible of irremediable injuries ; but this does not prove, in any 
degree, that mankind love to be cheated and imposed upon. 

A. Well — it is an old saying, that I have heard ever since I 
can remember. 

B. It is a rogue's saying. The simple truth is, knaves and ty- 
rants love to cheat and impose upon mankind, and would feign 
to believe that we were pleased with such treatment. 

These are among the variety of little arts and sayings of rogues, 
alluded to; and which are often learned in our childhood, or be- 
fore we are able to discover their fallacy and wicked designs, and 
are afterwards used without reflection. 

Hence it becomes an important duty of the guardians and ac- 
tual friends of truth, justice and virtue, to detect and defeat the 

28 



2ia A HYPOCRITE. 

future progress and design of this, and every other branch of 
rogues policy. 

This infamous policy, would have us " speak well of a bridge 
that carries us well over" — although we may have good reason to 
believe that the next person who attempts to pass it, will be ruin- 
ed. 



A Hypocrite. 

It is evidently a virtue, to suppress an evil temper or disposi- 
tion ; but to declare a vicious propensity, openly, is less dishon- 
ourable, than to indulge it secretly. 

An avowed infidel is far more tolerable in society, than a hypo- 
crite. The avowed infidel, stands open to view, as he is, and if 
you choose you can shun him : But a hypocrite — is like a rock 
covered over with smooth water, which sweeps the unsuspicious 
mariner to destruction, at a moment when he apprehends no dan- 
ger ; like a false friend, who flatters you with smiles and fair 
professions, while he meditates your ruin ; like a snake in the 
grass, which darts its deadly poison, before it is heeded ; like a 
pirate, who approaches the defenceless merchantman, under a 
friendly, or " patriot" flag, or perhaps draws him within the reach 
of his guns, by false signals of distress, and then commits plun- 
der and murder : or like a swindler, who gains possession of the 
public, or individual's confidence and property, by false and de- 
ceitful representations, and management, and then endeavors to 
evade pursuit, or otherways to keep them from repossessing their 
property. A hypocrite, is like an unprincipled and designing 
lawyer, who professes to be the particular friend and advocate of 
virtue, justice, liberty, and humanity, while he exerts his skill 
and talents to excite and harden vice, defeat justice, and to rivet 
the shackles of tyranny and oppression upon his fellow men ; like 
false christians, who often perform the external ceremonies of re- 
ligion, with all the mechanical precision and accuracy that a well 
disciplined band of soldiers go through with their exercise and 



A HYPOCRITE. 219 

evolutions — (and with about as much real religion,) while theii 
minds are full of ingratitude, revenge, treachery, persecution, 
and all manner of meanness. A hypocrite, is like false patri- 
ots, who often make high sounding pretensions of their sense of 
common justice, of honour, and of regard for the public good, 
only to disguise their schemes of knavery and political oppres- 
sion ; a real " wolf in sheep's clothing ;" or like an assassin, who 
approaches you in the dark, or with a concealed weapon ; or, 
among a virtuous and enlightened people, hypocrisy is very like 
counterfeit money, which often has a first appearance, of real and 
desirable value, while it finally serves only to impoverish and dis- 
grace its possessor. 

There are many people, who openly profess that which they do 
not believe, or otherways disguise their real sentiments, and 
views, from fear > and without any evil intentions. Such people 
are often to be pitied. There are others, who occasionally dis- 
semble from no bad motive. But a real and designing hypocrite, 
is the most abominable infidel on earth. He don't believe a word 
in the eternal wisdom and justice of the Creator, or in rewards 
and punishments " according to the deeds done in the body." 
He probably worships the devil, in secret, and thinks himself the 
cunningest being on earth. He makes such professions, and per- 
forms the ceremonies, that he thinks will sound and appear best, 
in order to disguise his crooked character and designs ; and no 
doubt often laughs in his sleeve to think how he cheats mankind. 
A hypocrite is a studied cheat — an impostor — a knave — a made 
fool, and one who generally finds himself the worst cheated, at 
last. • 

There is not one word of final hope for a hypocrite, in the 
whole history of divine revelation : But on the contrary, the se- 
verest denunciations are recorded against them; and those 
who are finally condemned, are to take their portion with hypo- 
crites. 

Satire was evidently designed by Heaven for the purpose of 
unveiling hypocrites, and rendering vice ridiculous. Its bold and 
penetrating shafts, when judiciously directed, rends the veil of 



220 A HYPOCRITE. 

hypocrisy and vice, and exposes them to the scorn and contempt, 
of a virtuous and observing public. 

Well seasoned wit, sharpens truth and makes it cut. 

A certain person, after trying, in vain, by mild language, to 
dissuade a number of evil minded individuals and their deluded 
tools and followers, from the wrongs they were industriously in- 
flicting upon a distinguished public benefactor, under a heedless 
or fictitious pretext — finally exclaimed, " that's right — defame, 
plunder and persecute your best friends ; and then, when you 
find yourselves detected, say it was not you, but an evil spirit 
that dwelleth in you, and so own yourselves the instruments of the 
devil !" This, like a stroke of lightning, rent the veil of their hy- 
pocricy, and exposed them, even to the reproaches of one an- 
other. 

Hurl satire, then, as keen as pointed steel, prick through 
the hypocrites' robes and make the wretches feel, the stings op 
truth. 

Human corruption and depravity, are measured by the con- 
trast, between precept and example, betwixt profession and 
practice. 

To profess fairly, and practice foully in reverse of one's profes- 
sion, is the very extreme of human corruption and depravity. 

Hence, those who pretend to act under the holy and sacred in- 
fluence and obligation of religion, or divine justice : and those who 
profess a regard for the personal, or political rights, prosperity and 
happiness of their neighbours, or fellow beings, as a cloak or dis- 
guise of their real and base designs, betray the very excess of hu- 
man wickedness and depravity.- 

A person who watches the conduct of religious professors, and 
judiciously compares their practice with their precepts or profes- 
sions, and the whole with the true christsan character, and bold- 
ly detects and exposes hypocrites and imposters, does more to 
promote the real cause of virtue and human happiness, than a 
host of idle declaimers — who preach without attending to the 
practice, and often prove, by their works, that they don't believe 
what they say. 

The same remarks may be applied to false patriots, and political 
hypocrites, and impostors. 



ROBBERS IN DISGUISE. 221 

Robbers in Disguise. 

There is often a mistaken or base policy observed, in concealing 
a person's true character, circumstances, or situation in regard to 
property, and in omitting to expose the same, when they are 
known to be obtaining a credit, confidence, or consequence, be- 
yond their merits. Perhaps on false representations, or fictitious 
appearances of wealth, character, or responsibility, by which they 
are enabled to rob others of their property, or that which is equal- 
ly essential to their enjoyment. 

I should generally doubt the honesty of any person, who was 
unwilling to have their true character, circumstances or situation 
made known, and especially to those of whom they requested 
credit, confidence or assistance. 

Generally speaking, a person has no business to contract debts 
or engagements beyond their means of fulfilment. If this rule 
was only faithfully adhered to, a man seldom would lie at the 
mercy of his creditors. 

It may be good policy for lawyers, and some description of 
sharpers, who make money out of the treachery and embarrass- 
ments of mankind ; but it is attended with ruinous consequences 
to the best part of community. 

That which conceals the truth, or induces people to remain si- 
lent, at the sight or apprehension of fraud, or injury meditated 
against a fellow-being, is at best, rogues' policy. 

Knaves, or bankrupts, in disguise, are not much unlike 
"wolves in sheep's clothing," or traps and snares set and disguis- 
ed to take fellow-beings ; and wilfully to avoid exposing them to 
the ignorant and concerned, is like a man's neglecting to give the 
usual notice or alarm, when he sees thieves preparing to rob a fel- 
low being, or the midnight incendiary setting fire to his neigh- 
bour's buildings. 

There is often a strange delicacy manifested about enquiring 
into a man's actual circumstances or situation, for fear of " in- 
juring his credit" — just as if the simple truth could wrong an 
honest man ! 



222 EQUALITY OF PRICES FOR NOMINALLY 

If any person makes a false representation, or appearance, in 
regard to their wealth, character, circumstances or situation, 
whereby others are liable to be deceived and injured, it is our 
common duty to expose them ; and, surely, none but rogues and 
fools will complain of such a custom. 



Equality of Prices for Nominally the same Personal Services. 

There probably is no regulation between individuals, in our 
country, more unequal and pernicious in its general consequences, 
than that which fixes the same price, for nominally the same per- 
sonal services — as is the case among men of various professions 
and occupations in some of our cities. If all men of the same 
trade, profession or occupation, were equally capable, and faithful 
to their employers, there would be some propriety in such a regu- 
lation. But as there m? a great difference between the abilities, 
character and trust of men of the same trade, profession and occu- 
pation, there certainly can be no justice or propriety in fixing pre- 
cisely the same price or rate of compensation for their performing 
nominally the same service. 

Under such a regulation of prices, we should all generally cal- 
culate to employ only the very best of every trade, profession or 
occupation, since their compensation is fixed at the same rate ; 
although we might prefer others of inferior talents and skill, at a 
due and proportionate rate of charges — the same as we prefer dif- 
ferent qualities of goods, on various occasions, and for different 
purposes, at their appropriate worth. 

Physicians, lawyers, master and journeymen mechanics, sea- 
men, house and domestic servants, labourers, &c, are sometimes 
included under this regulation. It would however be just as fair 
and proper, to have uniform and fixed prices for all articles of 
merchandize, of the same kind, without any regard to their vari- 
ous qualities and real worth. One piece of calico may be worth 
only 20 cents the yard, and another 75 cents, from their difc 
ference in quality — and yet a yard of calico is a yard of cali- 



THE SAME PERSONAL SERVICES. 223 

co, and both may render essentially the same service. The same 
kind of goods have different prices attached to them, on account 
of some specific and material difference in their real quality and 
worth. This extra high price which we pay for articles of su- 
perior worth, as for the most excellent personal services, is gene- 
rally designed to compensate and encourage real merit. 

Both the public and individuals are wronged by this regulation 
of prices. A few of the best of every profession and occupation, 
subject to the regulations referred to, get much more business than 
they can do ; the middling and inferior ones, being obliged to 
charge at the same rate for their services, have not often half em- 
ploy — although they might have a full share, at just and merited 
prices. The result is, they often have to seek employment and 
do work under the name of others, and have only a, part of what is 
actually paid for their labors. 

Established master mechanics — for instance, watch-repairers, 
tailors, and the like, under such regulations, in some of our large 
cities, are said to do piece or job work for others of their profes- 
sion, and receive only about half the price that is finally paid for 
the same — the surplus goes to increase the riches of those, who 
have, other ways the advantage. 

Had those customers or persons for whom the work was finally 
done, came direct to these master mechanics who did their work, 
and paid them three-fourths of the price they actually gave, they 
would have paid at the rate of three dollars, instead of four, and 
those who did the work, would have received at the rate of three 
dollars, instead of two. And besides, in this way, there would be 
nothing extra furnished on the mechanic or his customers to in- 
crease the riches of those who have already the advantage. 

This operates something like the European system of tenan- 
ting and under-tetanting. 

All combinations for affecting such purposes by force, should 
be put down, as conspiracies against merit, reason, justice and hu- 
manity. 

A nominal amount of work, or service, performed by journey- 
men mechanics, seamen, labourers, domestic servants, and the 
like, by no means justifies the payment of the same wages ; foF 



224 SATAN'S TAX GATHERER. 

one may be strictly honest, temperate, punctual in his attendance, 
and careful in his attention and business to the interests of his 
employer ; civil, and exemplary in his general conduct, and in 
every respect the most capable, trusty, and faithful of any of his 
profession or occupation, while another may be the reverse. By 
giving the opposite character the same rate of wages, for nominal- 
ly the same work or service, lea/es virtue and merit unrewarded 
and unencouraged ; and no doubt this rule of compensation is 
the scheme of some knave or blockhead of the defective class, to 
raise their services upon a par with the best — with real virtue and 
merit. 

We might almost as well attempt to fix an equality of prices for 
every article of the same name and quantity, without any regard 
to their various qualities and actual worth. 

This custom of fixing the same price or rate of wages for nom- 
inally the same personal services, has an unjust, immoral and an- 
ti-republican tendency ; and all combinations and efforts to effect 
or enforce such regulations, ought to be prohibited and promptly 
punished by law. 



Satan's Tax Gatherer. 

A man who hired horses and carriages at a livery stable, com- 
plained that the same price was exacted of him, as was asked of 
the most profligate and uncertain customers. He said that he 
was well known to the livery man, to be a safe and trusty person, 
who always used the horses and carriages well, gave a true account 
of the use he had made of them, and paid down in cash for their 
use, and yet he perceived that no higher price was asked, of the 
most precarious and unworthy customers ; and even most of that 
amount, was booked, and the payment deferred, and much of it 
totally lost. 

The livery man agreed that this was a fair statement of the 
case ; but said, with intent to justify himself, that he was obliged 
to ask more of honest men, than he otherways should do, in or- 



SPECULATING NOBILITY. 225 

der to make up the amount or proportion that dishonest and pre- 
carious characters cheated him out of. 

Then, replied the customer, you tax honest men for the benefit 
of rogues ! 

So does every body, who do not make a suitable difference in 
price or terms, between an honest customer, and ready pay, and 
a knave, and uncertain pay. 



Speculating Nobility. 

There is a kind of self -created order of speculating gentry, in 
this country, who claim extra privileges. 

They are generally to be found formed into little knots or par- 
ties, in almost every considerable city, town, district or section of 
country, co-operating to enforce their claims to a part of the earn- 
ings of the vulgar, and particularly to a share of the profits of 
every considerable enterprise or undertaking, as due for their in- 
fluence and indulgence. 

This order of gentry commenced their career soon after the 
revolutionary war ended, in public security, soldier note, and new 
land speculations. It so happened, that some of them soon got 
bit, and then bit others, until the speculating mania became a kind 
of general disease, affecting, by turns, almost every considerable 
interest or branch of business in the union.* 

These little knots of speculating gentry, (which are mostly 
composed of lawyers, traders, bank managers, brokers and sharp- 
ers — many of whom are in the exercise of some office or public 
employment,) generally claim a participation, or share of the 

* During the rage of new land speculation, at one period, a shrewd 
character, who happened among 1 the speculating gentry, at one of their 
head quarters — on hearing some boast of the mighty sums they had 
made by their speculations, (probably done to lure him and others to take 
hold,) coolly said, that was nothing : — when he was a boy, he made fifty 
thousand dollars, one morning before breakfast, only just swapping 
hens ! 

29 



226 SPECULATING NOBILITY. 

profits, at least, of every new establishment, enterprise or under- 
taking of any considerable magnitude or prospect of gain. 

When they are unsuccessful in their endeavours to obtain a 
direct or indirect participation in the profits .; or even when they 
think they have not been sufficiently consulted, or their advice ad- 
hered to, in the commencement or progress of the business, 
scheme or undertaking, they frequently manifest their policy and 
resentment, by endeavours to embarrass, or upset the whole con- 
cern, and speculate on the ruins ! In which case, lawyers and 
sharpers are pretty sure to make a good haul ! 

The bank making business, and their ultimate management, 
and consequences, has afforded them an almost boundless harvest. 

To gain an interest in the profits of an establishment, enter- 
prise or undertaking, these knights of speculation, generally offer 
to aid with their influence, or protection* or a degree of credit, 
or real capital ; but in most cases they contrive to avoid the actu- 
al hardships and hazards of the business ; and some how arrange 
the same, so that they can control its operations, and embarrass 
or arrest its progress, at pleasure : so that, if they finally find 
they can do no better, they can generally sweep the whole, or 
wreck the concern and speculate on the ruins ! 

It seems to be quite a matter of policy and calculation, with 
this order or fraternity of speculating gentry, to induce young and 
inexperienced persons to commence business ; and others to en- 
large, or engage in business beyond their skill, capital, or means 
of managing to advantage : and also to excite unwarrantable com- 
petitions in business ; and to influence or induce mankind gen- 
erally, to borrow money, and otherways involve themselves, un- 
necessarily : and all to increase their own influence and control, 
and to multiply their chances for final spoil and speculation, out 

* It is believed that piracy, negro stealing, treason, counterfeiting, 
smuggling, swindling the public, and individuals, and the like enterpri- 
ses^ have occasionally engaged the interest and attention of some of this 
order or fraternity of speculating gentry : who generally contrive, in 
such cases, to manage rogues as their tools or instruments for robbing 
others, without subjecting themselves to the penalty and odium attached 
to the execution of the offences. 



SPECULATING NOBILITY. 227 

of the embarrassments and wreck of human fortunes and under- 
takings. Something like wreckers who hoist false lights to lead 
vessels in the night, on to shoals and breakers, that they may gain 
something by theft, salvage, or spoil, out of their unfortunate vic- 
tims. 

When there are two or more doing business in company con- 
cern, these speculating gentry — when they are unable to effect 
their purposes by other means, sometimes endeavour to seduce 
one or more of the concern, to league with them, against the 
rest, for a participation or share in the spoils thereof! 

After a breach or wound has been effected in the fortune or un- 
dertakings of a person, who is not of their fraternity, or under 
their special influence or indulgence, and particularly if caused 
by their attacks, their greediness and ferocity, for completing his 
destruction, sometimes seems truly horrible. The cries and blood 
of the wounded victim, increase the fierceness and cruelty of the 
greedy pursuers. 

When any one is firm enough, or has sufficient hardihood, as 
they often term it, to resist their claims, and especially to remon- 
strate with them on their conduct, and expose their transactions 
and designs to the public, they frequently manifest a disposition, 
quite similar to the despoilers and despots of the old world. 

I think it might be well to have this order of speculating gen- 
try, duly recognized and established by law, with appropriate 
badges and decorations or marks of distinction, that the public 
might know them, at once, and pay them the homage that prop- 
erly belongs to their rank and importance ; and that they might 
receive a pension, suitable to their merits, without having recourse 
to forced contributions and loans, to support their dignity and in- 
dependence ! 

It often seems greatly to disturb the temper and calculations of 
these enemies of human rights and integrity, to see a man quietly 
enjoying the just fruits of his own ingenuity, industry and enter- 
prise, or usefulness. 

Like the Jews, (probably from what has been recorded by their 
master Moses,) they seem to regard labor as a curse, and there- 
fore contrive every scheme to avoid it themselves, and to dishonor 
it in others. 



228 BALANCE OF POWER. 

While these speculating gentry are permitted a participation t 
or controling influence in the transactions and affairs of govern- 
ment, honest industry and merit must pay them tribute, for there 
is scarcely a chance or possibility of avoiding the effect of their 
combined power, influence and designs. 



Balance of Power. 

The doctrine and idea, of a balance of power- — an equality of 
strength, so as to be always able to repel force to force, being 
necessary between civilized nations, in order to preserve their 
rights ; and which some pretend is indispensable — even between 
different parts of our own government, is a bigoted error, or hyp- 
ocritical fallacy ; and particularly as relates to our own country, 
where there is but one acknowledged source of sovereign author- 
ity, and is not, or should not be, any clashing between different 
and contending sovereigns. In this political union, 

Each are but parts, of one united whole ; 
The people's will, the sovereign and the soul. 

The late bloody and desolating conflict, that long kept Europe 
in tears and agony, to regulate this pretended magic of human 
government, has left the matter just about as doubtful and unset- 
tled, as it found it. 

Conflicts between despots, raging for slaughter, plunder, or do- 
minion, should have another name. But in this country, where 
there is but one acknowledged source of human power and au- 
thority — where the sovereignty is entirely in the free will of the 
people, such a thing as a balance of power, is a hypocritical 
fallacy, or belongs to some of those bigoted ideas of misguided 
and bewildered politicians — who, the more they think, the less 
they know. 

This matter, however, has been fairly settled. 

I once saw two flocks of sheep approaching each other, in a 
large open pasture, when two old rams, which had long headed 



CAUCUS SYSTEM. 229 

each flock, stepped forth and ended this mighty question of a bal- 
ance of power, by a tremendous bunting conflict. 

Trained to fight ; proud of dominion, and eager to control, the 
two wary chiefs, after fiercely eyeing each other, for a moment, 
menaced the terrible combat, and soon settled it, by one's having 
his neck broke ! 

The two flocks, although strangers, had no disposition to quar- 
rel with each other, and there being no haughty and rival chiefs 
to conflict with each other, or contend by force for a balance of 
power, all remained in peace and general harmony. 



Caucus System. 

When there was two great political parties in the United 
States, nighly equal in numbers, contending for different princi- 
ples of government, and both violently struggling for supremacy, 
necessity seemed to justify the concentration of party forces, in 
favor of the most popular candidate, through the recommendation 
of a few confidential leaders, as an expedient for the particular 
case, or as a choice of evils. 

Since the violence of party contention has mainly subsided, and 
the principles of our government have been established, in a 
measure, by precept and example ; together with the general 
increase of political information ; caucus nominations have be- 
come less justifiable in principle, and more dangerous in prac- 
tice. 

To those who regard them, caucus nominations have assumed, 
in a great measure, the form and force of Imv, restraining their 
subjects from the free exercise of their rights and best judgment 
as freemen — so that they have almost done thinking and acting 
for themselves. When preparing for an election, instead of ex- 
ercising their own reasons and best judgment, in the selection of 
suitable men for the various public offices, they generally inquire 
of some caucus master or manager, " who are the candidates to 
be voted for ?" and then put in their ballots accordingly ; and 



230 CAUCUS SYSTEM. 

generally without venturing to say a word in objection, for fear 
some caucus spy or informer will report them to their masters or 
head men, for punishment — proscription and persecution. 

All this is generally done under the hypocritical pretext of ne- 
cessity, (that general excuse for outrages upon human rights,) in 
order to prevent a defeat of the republicans — although it is plain 
that those who manage to affect a government of the many, by 
the few, through the discipline and dictation of a caucus system, 
are not republicans in practice — whatever they may have been, or 
now profess to be. 

Many of the caucus masters, talk precisely as aristocrats do, 
in the energy of their power and control — that we, the common 
people, must give up our opinions, to the direction and manage- 
ment of a few knowing ones! 

The man, who is so nominated to an elective office, generally 
feels much more dependent, on the very few, comparatively, who 
nominate him, than the many whose suffrages he finally obtains 
through the artifice. 

The districting of the states, for the choice of representatives 
in congress, presidential electors, state senators, and the like offi- 
ces, has been studiously deferred and defeated, in many instan- 
ces — under some hypocritical or quibbling pretext, in order to de- 
tain the only plausible excuse, at present, for caucus nomina- 
tions ; and which is, that the freemen generally are not sufficient- 
ly acquainted throughout a whole state, to make suitable selec- 
tions — although they might do it within their own district, if the 
states were so divided. And, therefore, the candidates must be 
picked out, by a few knowing ones, for the freemen to choose ! 

Some, have endeavoured to assimulate a convention of dele- 
gates, to a caucus, and to regard all as regidar nominations, made 
by either ; there is however a total difference, between the acts of 
men, duly chosen, authorised, and instructed, by the people, and 
immediately assembled for the express purpose of making a suita- 
ble selection of candidates to be recommended for an election to a 
particular office, and a voluntary meeting of individuals — without 
authority, instruction, or responsibility — perhaps composed of 
men, mostly actuated by their own personal vanity, or a con- 



SOVEREIGNTY OF THE PEOPLE. 231 

tempt for the peoples' rights and best good, holding up particular 
men as duly nominated for certain offices — a kind of usurpers, 
alike dangerous to republicanism, and odious to a genuine repub- 
lican spirit. 



Sovereignty of the People. 

It is admitted, that the sovereignty of this country, is in the 
people, and that their will, fairly expressed, is the supreme law of 
the land. 

But, who are the sovereign people ? 

By the laws of the different states, various qualifications are re- 
quired to admit a person to an efficient voice in the public con- 
cerns. In some, if not in most of our states, men of color are not 
allowed to be qualified and vote ; in Virginia, a freehold, or a 
certain amount of real estate, is required, by existing laws, to 
qualify a man for voting ; and in other states, the qualifications 
required, vary, until they come to what they call universal suff- 
rage — although even this seems variously construed. 

In strict political justice, every good and efficient member of 
the community, should be, some how, entitled to a voice in the 
common concerns thereof. — Perhaps every free-born, white, male 
citizen, of common good sense, information, and character, after 
they have become twenty-one years of age, while they contribute 
to the general defence of the country and government, by the per- 
formance of their military duty, or by the payment of a speci- 
fic and appropriate tax for the general support, should be intitled 
to a voice in the selection and appointment of public servants. 

This power exists in the living members of the community, to 
exercise for all just, necessary, humane and reasonable purposes, 
for the general good, as the perpetual sovereigns of the country ; 
and in whom power is annually changing, in a degree, from the 
hands of one set of men, to another, by old ones going off, and 
new ones coming into active life. 

Hence it is very absurd to suppose that, the sovereign acts of 
one set of freemen or voters, should be any further binding on 



232 IMPROVEMENTS IN LEGISLATION, 

their successors, than the public faith had been justly and necessa- 
rily pledged. 

Ten years may change a majority of the whole freemen or vo- 
ters of a state, by the loss or reduction of those who go off, by 
death, removal out of the state, and by ceasing to be qualified, and 
by the gain or addition of those who come in, by coming of age, 
moving into the state, and by getting qualified to vote. 

If this was not the case, we could destroy the liberty and inde- 
pendence of our successors, by fixing every thing uualterably, be- 
fore they come into active life, and thereby prevent whatever im- 
provements human experience and wisdom might justly require 
for the general good. 



Improvements in Legislation. 

The main object of all actual improvements, in legislation as in 
other arts, sciences and operations, is to produce the most perfect 
and desired result, and with the least trouble and expense. 

An incorporated body, or any association of individuals in want 
of a plan for a building, or a device for any intricate and compli- 
cated subject, would generally prefer offering a premium or suita- 
ble reward for the best production that could be offered : by which 
means, they avail themselves of the best and most suitable talents 
in the country, and at the same time accomplish the object in 
view at the cheapest rate. 

Suppose a state, or nation, in want of a new, or revised and 
improved constitution ; or a system of taxation or revenue ; or a 
code of civil, criminal, or military law, or a code of original 
or improved law for any particular purpose — instead of assem- 
bling a host of delegates to deliberate from day to day, in 
order to devise and form the same ; they would generally ac- 
complish the object in view, much better, and at far less trouble 
and expence, by seasonably making their wants known, with the 
offer of ample premiums or rewards for the best production that 
could be offered for the purpose ; and then, at a given time, when 
delegates were assembled, they might make their choice or selec- 
tions, and assign rewards. 



MERCY. 233 

Whenever it should be thought expedient for a state or nation 
to license associations for banking, insurance, and a variety of 
other purposes, under certain circumstances, regulations and re- 
strictions, consistent with the general good — by simply enacting 
one uniform and general law for the purpose, would accomplish 
the object in the best manner, and at the least trouble and 
expense. 

There would be a degree of fairness and impartiality, in such a 
measure ; and all who were similarly situated, or able to comply 
with the general and required conditions of a charter, might ob- 
tain the same without a special act of legislation for their particu- 
lar purpose. 

A legislative assembly, could not then be approached and teased, 
or juggled with — corrupted, and half their sessions wasted, by 
public robbers and beggars in pursuit of extra privileges. 

Legislatures are generally too numerous, heavy and expensive 
bodies of men, to be employed on subjects of private claims, or 
individual and separate cases ; where the actual expense of legis- 
lation often exceeds the whole value and importance of the claim, 
or matter acted upon. (How absurd, too, is it to judge from ex- 
parte evidence, which is generally done in such cases.) 

This legislating by inches, is too small work to employ such nu- 
merous and expensive bodies upon, and generally costs the people 
much more than their work is worth. A well regulated general 
system of laws, would do away most of the troublesome and ex- 
pensive legislating, singly, on private claims, and individual or 
separate cases. 



Mercy. 



The knaves and hypocrites of the world, have twisted the 
meaning of words, in order to pervert them to their base and 
crooked purposes, until many important sentences in common 
use, have no definite and practical application. Among which, 
that has not been noticed under their respective titles, is the word 
mercy. 30 



234 LITIGATION. 

According to the most common and important application of 
this word, the act of suspending, or finally annulling a judicial 
sentence, or public actor decree, incurring a penalty, is an act of 
mercy. 

If a wrong act, sentence or decree, has been produced, from 
the ignorance, haste or evil intentions, of a legislative body, or 
judicial tribunal, to correct or annul the same, is an act of jus- 
tice : but to interrupt or defeat the execution of final justice ; and 
especially to favor the guilty and unrelenting, is any thing but an 
act of mercy. 

Mercy is nothing but complete justice, in a high moral and 
political point of view. 

To suspend, or annul an unjust or imperfect law, or an errone- 
ous and cruel sentence, is an act of final justice. 

It is an act of mercy, to interfere with and restrain a rash and 
cruel mandate, or master, in favor of justice and humanity ; but 
to favor the evasion of justice, or any way to facilitate the designs of 
the unprincipled, is a base and unmerciful transaction. 

God is always just and merciful. Eternal justice and wisdom 
are the immutable attributes of His nature. 

Justice to the guilty, is mercy to the innocent. 



Litigation, 

A litigious spirit has been so artfully excited, and so long in- 
dulged, in some places, that as soon as a considerable lawsuit is 
talked of, the parties fly to arms, and endeavour to enlist, or press 
into their service, the prejudices, passions, interests and feelings 
of their neighbours and fellow-men, each on his own side of the 
case. Thus conflicts are sometimes aggravated and spread to an 
immense extent, involving those within their range, on one side or 
the other, like a civil war ; and all, too, frequently about some tri- 
fling circumstance, hardly worth minding. The same conflicts, 
in some instances, if only divested of the " colour of law" might 
be construed into vicious assaults, or disturbances of the common 
peace. 



LITIGATION. SJ35 

This litigious spirit has been so thoroughly cultivated, in many 
places, and especially where lawyers have a controlling power, that 
it has become a common disease — inflaming, corroding and de- 
stroying the peace, virtue, prosperity and happiness of the body 
politic, like the fiery and acrimonious humours of a cancer upon 
the human body. 

No wonder that lawyers, who gain most of their wealth and 
power, by unnecessarily exciting, aggravating, complexing and 
prolonging litigious and inquisitorial struggles, investigations and 
quibbles, should study to keep mankind at variance as much as 
possible ; but that fellow-beings — neighbours, even professed 
Christians, should encourage one another to quarrel, and be 
treacherous — " to see which can do the other the most harm/' 
in litigious warfare, is truly infernal. 

What a scene is this for the contemplation of a virtuous and re- 
flecting mind ! 

Lawyers no doubt often laugh in their sleeves, to see what fools 
we are to quarrel for their benefit. 

Do we reflect on the consequences of fostering — enriching and 
elevating to influence and power, a host of hard-hearted and hy- 
pocritical inquisitors 1 \V ill they not, one day, form the chief 
tools and machinery of a haughty and overbearing aristocracy, 
and rule us with a rod of iron % Who, indeed, that comprehends 
all the secret springs, windings and bearings of human policy and 
cunning, and does not see the future designs of an odious and 
overbearing aristocracy, growing out of an intricate and compli- 
cated system of laws, aided by a host of other crooked transac- 
tions and subordinate designs, and particularly favoured by the 
late (1819-20,) embarrassment of the times? 

Did any one ever consider how lawyers were aiding their own 
private policy and future gains, by the establishment of a great 
number of banks — not putting them under proper regulations and 
restrictions ? inducing people to borrow money unnecessarily, and 
to enter into numerous and unwarrantable speculations ? The 
embarrassments, frauds, and human depravity that would final- 
ly result, or grow out of them, to the great benefit of lawyers ; 
and, in a degree, every description of sharpers, and others inim- 



236 . LITIGATION. 

ical to the virtue, liberty, independence and prosperity of the 
people ? And are not many of the measures devised and applied 
to keep off justice — or unjustly embarrass and defer the payment 
of honest debts, and otherways professedly to relieve the embar- 
rassment of the times, of the same crooked policy and charac- 
ter ? together with many of the swindling defalcations, and other 
loose uses of public funds 1 

If such are the interests and designs of lawyers, (and their par- 
ticular participators and tools,) are they a proper set of men to 
manage the public concerns ? Is it safe for the public, or indi- 
viduals, to entrust both sides of a cause, or concern, to men of the 
same professional and other views, lest they should form a secret 
understanding and designedly play into each others hands 1 — 
Such a concern is by no means improbable, if not highly suspi- 
cious, more especially when in the employ of ignorant or unsus- 
picious persons, and of dependent and defenceless individuals. 

Wherein does the litigious inquisition, materially differ from 
the holy inquisition 1 It is true, the holy inquisition managed 
their affairs chiefly in secret ; but has not the cunning and in- 
trigue of lawyers formed nighly a substitute in some of our 
courts, by having the chief ceremonies performed openly, while 
the real motion and design are governed by secret springs and 
machinery, managed behind the curtain or out of public view ? — 
The king of Spain, has probably found a litigious inquisition, a 
good substitute for the holy inquisition, in enforcing his schemes 
of plunder, persecution and oppression. 

Some of our litigious inquisitors, are certainly as zealous in the 
cause of fraud, persecution, vexation and oppression, as were the 
knights of the holy inquisition ; and are nighly or quite as expert 
in effecting confiscations, and in the contrivance and application 
of racks and tortures, (though some are of a different construc- 
tion,) especially against the real friends and benefactors of man- 
kind — the common subjects of the most bitter hatred and perse- 
cution of both inquisitors — holy, and litigious. 

In order to avoid, as much as possible, the ruinous effects of 
litigation, some have expressly provided, in their wills,* con- 

.'•* See Washington's will, for one. 



KEEPING JUSTICE OFF. 337 

tracts, and other doings, to refer all disputes or differences arising 
therefrom, which the parties cannot settle among themselves, to 
the adjustment of an arbitration. 

Such examples have greatly alarmed the craft, for the decline 
of their power and gains ; who have generally manifested their 
malice and designs, by studying to wreak their vengeance on such 
instruments, and their authors and patrons. But are we to be 
thus plainly told, with impunity, that if we study to avoid the 
vexatious and ruinous snares and fangs of litigation, as much as 
possible, by a candid and peaceable reference or settlement of 
differences among ourselves, without the aid or intervention of 
lawyers, that we shall suffer the utmost vengeance in their pow- 
er ? Not, I trust, until we invest them with the sovereignty of 
the country, and acknowledge them our masters. 

The following may serve to give some idea of the disgusting 
and ruinous effects of litigation, to those who have never experi- 
enced any of its baneful consequences, or otherways had the sub- 
ject properly brought home to their own interests or understand- 
ings. 

A man of high respectability, who was originally a practising 
lawyer, but who had been in a high public office for several years 
— having a suit of his own, wherein he employed another lawyer 
to assist him ; on complaining to his assistant lawyer, of the un- 
necessary delays, quibbles and expences, indulged by the court, 
the latter charged him with inconsistency, and expressed much 
surprise that he — a man who had practised law twenty years or up- 
wards, could not have patience to get through with one suit, when 
it became his own concern. To which the original replied and 
said, that he was situated, something like a man who had lived 
so long upon skunks, that he fairly sickened at the sight of a 
burrow ! 



Keeping Justice off. 
Deferring judgment, or execution, in indisputable cases ; 



238 KEEPING JUSTICE OFF. 

carrying suits from one court to another ; putting over trials, 
from term to term, of suits pending in the same court ; are all 
artifices too often resorted to, under some fictitious or frivolous 
pretext, to indulge intrigue and seduction, in. favor of profligates 
and knaves, and ultimately to increase the wealth and influence 
of lawyers, and others who are interested in the profits of vexa- 
tious, tedious and unnecessary law proceedings. 

Merely the unnecessary delays, that are indulged in some of our 
judicial and executive proceedings, are often more injurious to one 
or both of the parties, than the final judgment. 

Justice is prompt, and reasonable, and always has the cause 
of virtue, and the good of the community, in view. 

The painful and protracted anxieties, to which the parties are 
subject, during a protracted or deferred contest, or decision of a 
case, wherein they have any considerable interest at stake ; the 
dangers of intrigue and corruption, which time generally favors 
with opportunity for indulgence ; the interruption and injury oc- 
casioned to the private interests and concerns of the parties, as 
well as the ordinary increase of expenses, attending delays ; all 
powerfully co-operate to urge a prompt and manly discharge of the 
judicial and executive duties. 

Receipting property taken on execution and then sueing the 
receipt, in order to keep off the collection of money due, and 
favor delinquents, lawyers, and sheriffs, is a most shameful prac- 
tice. 

By preventing the payment of one debt, often embarrasses 
the settlement of others, and ultimately occasions numerous other 
suits. 

A judge, who had practiced law a number of years, before his 
judicial services commenced, remarked to a neighbour one day, 
to whom he had just paid a hundred dollar bill, that the same bill 
had passed through nine different hands, within forty-eight hours, 
and had been the principal medium of cancelling nine debts- 
some debts being more, and others less, than the exact amount of 
the bill. That, had not the first payment been made, probably 
many of the others would have been neglected; and had suits 
been brought in all the cases, the cost, vexation, trouble and sa- 



TERRORS OF LAW. 239 

crifices of time and property, that would have resulted, would 
probably have exceeded the amount of the bill, several times. This 
may serve to show us, in some degree, the importance resulting 
from the prompt fulfilment of our engagements ; and which 
should be encouraged, as a matter of principle, as well as good 
policy, by the real friends of human improvement, and prosper- 
ity. 



Terrors of Law. 

In many places, the mere threat of a prosecution, especially 
for any thing of a disputable nature, strikes a kind of terror on 
the person threatened, however free he may be from having given 
any just provocation or grounds for an action ; for the trouble, loss 
of time, interruption of business, anxiety, vexation and expenses 
attending his defence, beyond what the courts generally allow in 
cost, if he finally " heats" amounts usually to a sacrifice or seri- 
ous injury. But the horrible uncertainty of the law, at last, is 
one of the greatest terrors, with an honest man. 

I have heard of a lawyer, (sometimes called the village despot,) 
who became so terrible, in his intrigues and management of ca- 
ses, that some of the inhabitants actually stipulated to pay him a 
certain annual fee, {tribute,) that he should not engage in any 
suits against them — not do them any harm ! 

I knew a lawyer, who was emphatically styled the king of ter- 
7'ors, from his prodigious power and influence, in bearing down 
all before him — right, or wrong. I never learned whether any 
stipulated to pay him tribute, for fear he would do them harm ; 
but it was pretty generally known that he had amassed an immense 
property, by grinding and overbearing those who could not resist 
him. 



240 MOST HONOURABLE PROFESSION. 

Most Honourable Profession. 

What is a lawyer's oath 1 and how many of the profession re- 
gard it ? 

Does the lawyer's oath, practically bind him, to consult his cli- 
ent's actual and best good ? Does he advise and assist his cli- 
ents, truly and faithfully, to the best of his abilities, to avoid go- 
ing to law as much as possible — to pursue a fair and honourable 
course of conduct towards all men, and when differences occur, 
which cannot well be avoided, or finally settled by the parties, 
without too great sacrifice, to endeavour to effect a peaceable and 
fair reference of the same, to other men ? especially when he 
knows that justice is more generally to be expected, and with far 
less delay, anxiety, trouble and expense, than is generally to be 
apprehended from ordinary lawsuits. Is there one lawyer in ten, 
who has had considerable practice, that can truly say he has not 
repeatedly, ancf knowingly occasioned his clients unnecessary 
trouble, delay, anxiety, loss, hazard, or expense, to favor his own 
private gain or other purposes ? 

If a lawyer gives his client wrong advice, or loses his case by 
sheer indolence or carelessness — where is the remedy ? Or sup- 
pose a lawyer should manage your cause designedly, to have it 
terminate unjustly, or against you, (which is not very difficult, 
nor perhaps uncommon,) without publickly seeming to violate his 
duty — where, then is your remedy, or safety against such designs ? 

After entrusting a lawyer with the secrets of a cause, your 
hands are, as it were, " in a bear's mouth." If you find your con- 
fidence misplaced — that he is incapable, indolent, careless of 
your concern, or treacherously inclined, you cannot safely go on, 
nor retract — he can do pretty much as he pleases with you, and 
yet leave you no remedy. 

Lawyers have their own peculiar interests, prejudices and feel- 
ings, and are much more experienced in the art of disguising 
their intentions, than people of most other' professions. Where 
then is the safety or propriety of entrusting them with our dear- 
est interests and concerns, and especially without any competent 



MOST HONOURABLE PROFESSION. 244 

authority to watch over them, and to bring them to a proper ac- 
count for their misconduct ? 

Inquisitorial authorities have generally studied to rob, persecute 
and oppress, men of extraordinary virtue, genius and worth — the 
best friends and benefactors of mankind : although they have oc- 
casionally varied their pretence and method for accomplishing 
their purposes. Let us not, then, mistake the object of all human 
craft, since actions speak louder than words. The man who 
comprehends the human character, with all the various interests, 
prejudices and policies that influence and control the different sit- 
uations, and habits of life, pays little regard to the hypocritical 
professions of men. 

Men who are professedly so pious and holy, that they can do no 
wrong ; and those who are so learned, liberal and patriotic, or 
honourable and exalted, as to be above all suspicion or accounta- 
bility for their conduct, can -hardly be too strictly watched and 
guarded, especially when possessed of considerable trust or pow- 
er. If we look into the real history of the world, we shall find 
that mankind have been shockingly robbed, enslaved and tor- 
mented, under fine sounding titles and pretensions. 

The following is an extract from Mr. M'Dufne's speech in con- 
gress, published in a Washington paper, of March 31st, 1826 ; 
and may serve to show what some of the self-styled " most honour- 
able profession" conceive it proper for them to do. Says Mr. 
M'Duffie, " I have been for seven years of my life engaged in the 
constant practice of the law — a profession in which every body 
knows it is the duty of the advocate to vindicate right and wrong 
indifferently, by every argument or artful appeal, that can af- 
fect the judgments, the passions, or the prejudices of men." 

It would be a burlesque upon reason and common sense, to 
suppose that a virtuous and enlightened being could seriously ad- 
vocate right and wrong with indifference, and designedly use de- 
ceitful and unfair means to accomplish his purposes ; and, cer- 
tainly, no such man could rationally conceive it to be his duty, so 
to do. 

We need not often wonder at the result of a practice, so revolt- 
ing to justice and humanity. 

81 



242 COURT OF CHANCERY 



Contempt of Court, 



What is a contempt of court 1 May a judicial officer, however 
high in authority, seize an individual, at his own will and pleasure 
— become accuser, evidence, and judge, in his own case, and sub- 
ject the person to fine and imprisonment, agreeable to his own 
will, for what he may please to consider a contempt of his judicial 
dignity or authority ? 

This is certainly an extraordinary power, if it really does exist, 
oris tolerated, in this land of professed justice, liberty, and equal- 
ity. Our rights, surely ought to be better defined and protected. 

A judge, may, it would seem, circumscribe or abridge the ne- 
cessary freedom of enquiry, and give point and colouring to evi- 
dence, to gratify his partialities, or to affect his crooked policy and 
designs ; or he may otherways conduct himself so as to merit the 
contempt and indignation of every virtuous and deserving observ- 
er, and yet his judicial sanctuary protects him against every effi- 
cient correction. Like a king or sovereign prince, he can do no 
urrong^ in the exercise of his judicial sovereignty. 



Court of Chancery. 

It is not a little remarkable, that these anti-republican tribunals 
should have been so long tolerated, as they have been, in this re- 
publican country — taking from us, almost at the pleasure of the 
court, our boasted right of trial by jury ; and subjecting causes of 
unlimited magnitude or amount — involving a man's fortune and rep- 
utation, to the decision of one man, who sits as legislator and 
judge — makes law to fit any particular case, and then judges to 
suit himself ! 

The following will serve to show the character and operations 
of one of those courts in England. 

" Court of Chancery — When Mr. Erskine was one day pressing 
the case of a client with great earnestness, in the court of kings' 
bench, lord Ellenborough, a little provoked at his perseverance.. 



COMMON LAW. 243 

observed to him that his client might carry his case into chancery. 
Has your lordship, replied Mr. Erskine, the heart to send a fellow 
creature there ? The force of Mr. Erskine's observation will be 
understood from the case of Sir Watkin Lewis. He has a case 
now in the high court of chancery, that has been pending 47 
years. Thirty years ago the present lord Chancellor acted as 
counsellor for him in the court of Exchequer. The property 
which he will be entitled to receive when the case is ended, is 
.£35,000 sterling. In the meantime Sir Watkins is a prisoner 
for debt in the fleet prison. The last time the case was in Chan- 
cery, the noble lord told him that his appeal to the house of lords 
should be laid before the committee of appeal with all possible 
despatch. He has another case in the court of Exchequer, in 
which he has property to the amount of i£75,000. About one 
tenth of the sum would relieve him from his embarrassments. 
The lives of his wife and daughter have fallen a sacrifice to the. 
vexation of this long suit in chancery." 

The English papers mention this case without any marks of 
eensure or even surprise. The truth is, that such occurrences are 
too common in England to excite wonder. And yet there are 
people in this country who would persuade us that the English 
system of law, " is the most stupendous fabrick of wisdom that 
was ever reared by the genius of man." — Portland Argus. 

Note. — These courts most generally are called courts of chance- 
ry, but in some places, (probably to avoid the infamy in which 
many hold them by this name,) they are called courts of equity. 
I believe, however, it would often be more appropriate to denomin- 
ate them courts of chance and iniquity. 



Common Law. 

This subject, is so vague, complex and unintelligible, that it 
would perhaps puzzle any one to define, accurately, what is gen- 
erally regarded as common law, in this country. — 

It is not written or statute law — but custom, chiefly grown out 
of the practice and decisions of British courts, to be found in their 



244 COMMON LAW. 

law reports, giving particular cases and the grounds or principle? 
on which 4 they were decided. These are quoted in the proceed- 
ings of our courts, as precedents, rules, or authorities for guid- 
ing the decisions of similar cases. They are not, I believe, re- 
garded as absolutely binding on our courts, but may be followed, 
as far as our judges think proper to indulge them. 

These rules or law authorities, are perpetually augmenting,, 
by the continued practice and decisions of the British courts ; 
which, together with the practice and decisions of our federal, 
and highest state courts, — (which are perpetually augmenting, 
and form part of our common law,) make perhaps the most com- 
plicated system of laws, that any other people on the globe are 
subject to : and among which, something may generally be found, 
to serve as a precedent or authority, for almost any decision, 
however right, or wrong. It is not indeed uncommon, to have a 
number of these law authorities, quoted for, and against, any 
particular point or decision urged in our courts. 

No wonder that lawyers should hail the uncertainty of Jaw, as 
glorious for them ; but it has indeed already proved, vexatious and 
ruinous for the people. 

The importation of new law doctrines, established by the con- 
tinual practice and decision of the British courts, are sought for 
as eagerly, by some of our law characters, as the London and 
Paris fashions of dress are, by our tailors, milliners and mantua 
makers.* 

One maxim of the British law, in regard to libels, is, " the 
greater the truth the greater the libel" This infamous doctrine 
was absolutely cherished, for a while, by many of the learned, in 
this country. It has indeed been considered as an indulgence, 
of the court, to allow the truth to be given in evidence, in defence 
of actions brought for alleged libels. Yes, and let the fact be re- 
membered, too. 

* An Englishman, on hearing an American boast of the Independence 
of our country, said he should like to know what our independence con- 
sisted of — that he should think brother Jonathan might go alone, by this 
time, but he perceived we still followed the leading strings of mother 
Britain ! 



COMMON LAW. 243 

Nothing can be more absurd, than to suppose that laws, design- 
ed for the subjects of an old, arbitrary and corrupt monarchy, 
are fit examples for a young, virtuous and rising republic ; al- 
though it might be readily admitted that some of their rules are 
worthy of our adoption. But first let them be severally examin- 
ed, and established as the laws of the land, by proper legislative 
authority, and published as such, before they are regarded as bind- 
ing, or even as legal doctrines of our country. 

It is really a common, and most dangerous assumption of power, 
for the judicial authority of our country, to make law, as well as 
administer it.* 

Are the enemies of our liberty, gradually and artfully forming 
us to the rules and habits of monarchy, for their ultimate purpo- 
ses ? Let republicans beware ! 

Complicated and intricate law systems, require lawyers to ad- 
minister them. 

The more ignorant and corrupt mankind become, the better 
for lawyers. But when the laws are rendered so intricate and 
complicated, that the common people cannot understand them, 
then, good by to your liberty ! 

Laws that are so complex, vague, or intricate, as to require men 
of extraordinary learning, or wealth, to understand and use them, 
were never designed for a community of republicans. They are, 
to all intents and purposes, privileged laws. 

The following is an extract from Judge Trumbull's letter, late- 
ly published in the newspapers, concerning Mr. Sampson's dis- 
course, delivered before the Historical Society, N. Y. (and pub- 
lished in a pamphlet,) on the origin and nature of the Common 
Law ; and carries its own important convictions with it, to Amer- 
icans of common sense and experience. 

" Since the establishment of our Independence, nothing can be 
more servile, nothing more absurd, than to consider the decisions 
of the Judges in Westminster Hall as precedents binding on our 
own courts, or entitled to any authority, but what is due to the ac- 

* Chief Justice Saunders (of Britain) boasted that he made more laws 
than Kings, Lords and Commons. 



246 COMMON LAW. 

curacy of their investigations and the force of their reasonings. 
We ought to abolish all those intricate forms and fictions, which 
we were obliged to adopt, when under the dominion of Great 
Britain ; to throw aside the mass of useless rubbish, with which 
we are encumbered ; to simplify our forms of contract, convey- 
ances and judicial proceedings ; to reduce our law to plain, fixed 
and general principles, and enable our courts to do every thing by 
direct process, which they can now effect only by circuitous 
modes, and through the medium of artificial fictions, always un-* 
necessary and often absurd and ridiculous." 

The following is from the learned president Cooper, of Colum- 
bia College, South Carolina, and is extracted from his letter to 
Counsellor Sampson, (published in the news papers,) on the fore- 
going subject. 

" I have read, with much interest, your lecture on law ; the 
public is greatly your debtor for the honest and independent view 
you have taken, of a system based on the ignorant notions of our 
half savage ancestors, and exhibiting a superstructure worthy of 
its origin. What business have we with a code of landed proper- 
ty founded on the aristocracy of the feudal system." 

" Is it not a disgrace that the glorious uncertainty of the law 
should be verified by 1200 conflicting decisions'?" 

" Our common law varies in principle and in application with 
every change of the bench." 

"Our own legislatures unwittingly combine with the lawyer to 
make the laws so voluminous, so wordy, so unintelligible, that 
they serve only to bring, not the law, but the lawyer home to 
every man's door. While the unwritten code of common law is 
any thing that the lagislative propensity of the common law bench 
may choose to make it. Then again our servility to the English 
decisions in this country — to decisions made by men proverbially 
and contemptibly ignorant of every subject but the technics of 
their profession, is disgraceful to us. We seem content to remain 
in perpetual infancy, and venture no step out of our imported go- 
cart." 

" I am almost inclined to think with Barlow, that when a man 
applies to a lawyer, he is like a hero of the eastern tale^, who 



INDEPENDENT JUDICIARY. 247 

'boldly mounts the back of a griffin, and takes all the risks of his 
temerity, in complete ignorance of the course he is to be carried. 
Is it impossible to do as the greatest man that ever lived has done ? 
Is it impossible to draw up a plain code of principles, in language 
without verbiage, and intelligible to a plain man 1 I think not. It 
becomes America at least, to try it. Uncertainty arises from con- 
flicting principles of law, and dissonance in their application to 
individual cases. The first course of uncertainty we might sure- 
ly get rid of; and that would be doing a great deal. A set of plain 
and honest legal principles and rules, would go near to establish a 
code of ethics. — Every man in the community would be wiser and 
honester for it. But then it must be drawn up with the brevity 
and precision of the French code ; which, imperfect as it is, yet 
stands an honor to the age that produced it." 



Independent Judiciary. 

The idea of having the judges of our courts, placed beyond the 
control of their constituents — unless for some flagrant offence, or 
capital violation of their official duty, is so palpably absurd, and 
inconsistent with our republican creed and policy, that I cannot 
believe the subject has been duly considered by the people of this 
republican nation. 

Of whom are the judges to be rendered independent ? why, of 
their masters, the sovereign people ! But why not have legisla- 
tive, executive, and all other public servants, appointed for life or 
during good behaviour — that they may act with firmness, and be 
independent of those they were appointed to serve — so that they 
may, in fact, look down upon the sovereign people with contempt ! 

Suppose we had a clergy, too, rendered equally permanent, or 
independent of the approbation and control, of those whom they 
were appointed to serve, (with or without an organized and su- 
preme or temporal head,) how long would it be before the people 
of this country would be as miserably dependent, as the half en- 
slaved people of the old world ! 



248 INDEPENDENT JUDICIARY. 

To day you select those considered best qualified to perform the 
highest judicial offices in the state — they are from forty to fifty 
years of age, consequently, if they were to be disqualified by 
death or old age, at seventy, they -* 5 ,ould have an average of 
twenty-five years to serve. In the mean time others might come 
forward and be possessed of far superior qualifications ; and those 
in office might decline from what they were when first appointed ; 
or when tried, their abilities and fitness for the station might 
prove inferior to what they were expected. And yet, according 
to the notion of an independent judiciary, the judges first appoint- 
ed cannot be superseded or replaced, without being impeached 
and convicted of some flagrant offence, or capital deficiency, or 
violation of their official duty. 

By a silent vote, the people can prefer and elect to office, whom 
they please, and without seriously implicating or injuring any 
one else — provided the right is not usurped or obstructed by de- 
spotic rules or men. 

There seldom are individuals to be found, willing to take upon 
themselves the trouble and responsibility of bringing forward and 
supporting the impeachment of a high judicial officer, however 
faulty he may have proved, for there generally is powerful combi- 
nations, and efforts made to justify the most artful and corrupt 
offenders in such cases — from prejudice, and a variety of direct 
and indirect participations, and other interested motives. So 
that, when we duly consider the trouble, expense, delay, and final 
uncertainty, of an impeachment, it scarcely can be said to afford 
any remedy against the misconduct, deficiencies, and evil inten- 
tions of a high judicial officer. 

An experienced lawyer, once made judge for life, or during 
good behaviour* may generally calculate to indulge his crooked 

*It would be pretty difficult to determine what was meant by " good 
behaviour," in such cases, if we may judge from the conduct of many in 
undisturbed possession of their judicial offices, and others who have qui- 
etly occupied the stations before them. Any thing that answers their 
own crooked designs, or serves the general purposes and policy of law- 
craft, especially if well managed, seems to stamp the character of an 
■xble judge. 



INDEPENDENT JUDICIARY. 249 

policy and inclination, without much serious apprehension. — 
When it suits his purposes to decide according to the public opin- 
ion, he can quote popularity for his justification, and when he 
sees fit to treat the common interest and sentiments with contempt, 
and follow his own inclination and purposes, he can then make a 
virtue of his independence. So that the latitude for his indigen- 
cies is sufficient to embrace every enormity. 

Many people, no doubt, would be willing to act as " a judge in 
the land" — to exercise judicial sovereignty, without any salary, or 
other compensation than the mere gratification of their own per- 
sonal prejudices, pique, or inclination and designs against parties 
and individuals ; more especially when they can be permitted to 
sit upon the throne of judgment, alone, and to send down ven- 
geance, instead of justice, upon their fellow-men, without any in- 
spection, explanation or practical and sufficient responsibility for 
their conduct. 

In the British government, where there is three sources of pow- 
er or political sovereignty — namely, the king, the nobles, and the 
people, it is important that the judges should be rendered free from 
the immediate power and control, of either — and especially of the 
king, who appoints them ; so that the judges may act with a de- 
gree of independence, as administers of justice between the par- 
ties. But even in that government, the judges are removable on 
the address of both legislative houses. 

But, in this country, where there is but one acknowledged 
source of power or political sovereignty, such an establishment as 
is termed an independent judiciary, is absurd, and highly danger- 
ous to our best interests. 

A court composed of a single judge, is much more despotic, anti- 
republican, and dangerous to the rights and liberties of mankind, 
than one composed of three or more ; because one man, is much 
easier, and of course more liable to be approached and prejudi- 
ced, or corrupted, than three or more. One man acting as sole 

Says Mr. Jefferson, in his letter to W. T. Barry, " We already 
see the power, installed for life, responsible to no authority, (for impeach- 
ment is not even a scarecrow,) advancing with a noiseless and steady 
pace, to the object of consolidation." 

32 



250 INDEPENDENT JUDICIARY. 

judge in a case, might retain to himself, and indulge secret and 
base designs against a party, or individual, while it would be diffi- 
cult or impracticable to influence three or more judges wtth the 
same unworthy designs, or for them safely to unite in the accom- 
plishment. Besides, a court composed of a considerable number 
of judges, would be more likely to retain or include some of the 
common interests and feelings of justice and humanity, than a 
court composed of one man ; and certainly, a number of persons, 
can see, hear and understand, more of the evidence and proceed- 
ings before a court, than one man. 

A court composed of three or more judges, would commit few- 
er errors, and give fewer occasions for new or second trials — of- 
ten resorted to for the correction of errors occasioned by a single 
judge. 

The proper duty and business of a judicial officer, is to admin- 
ister the laws within his judicial location and capacity, and to 
cause them to be carried into effect, faithfully, and impartially ; 
and requires no more independence or sovereignty of power, 
for the protection of his official conduct, than that of any other 
office of equal magnitude. A judge is certainly nothing nigh so 
much exposed in his person, character or fortune, as sheriffs and 
constables, who execute the laws. 

There is not an equal number of men in office in the United 
States, who are generally so despotically inclined, as the judges 
of our highest courts. 

If the subject was once fairly and understandingly considered, 
and acted upon by the sovereign people, I believe they would ren- 
der all the judicial offices upon a par — and, with the legislative 
and executive branches, make them directly subordinate to the 
public will, deliberately, fully, fairly and understandingly ex- 
pressed. 

Judicial officers, like other men, should be held accountable for 
the injustice and injury they occasion parties or individuals, by 
gross violations of their proper duty — or it should be admitted, at 
once, that they, like kings, can do no wrong. 

The new and sovereign decrees, issued by some of our courts 



LAW -CRAFT. 251 

or judicial officers, often excite nigh or quite as much interest in 
this country, as those proclaimed by emperors and kings, do in 
the old world. 



Law-craft. 

This crooked, quibbling, wolf-hearted and self -destructive craft 
or policy, in a national point of view, is preying upon the best in- 
terests of society — destroying, as it were, the very vitals of the 
republic ; and highly deserves some explanation, and attention on 
the part of the public. 

Perhaps a volume would hardly contain all that might be appro- 
priately detailed under this head ; I shall however only state some 
of the most general acts and distinguishing characters of the 
craft, that will not be found under other titles. 

Lawyers have been so much indulged, with the power of legis- 
lating and making the laws, as well as in the managing, pleading, 
judging, and final execution thereof, that, in many places, they 
have formed and exercised a kind of political inquisitorial 
sovereignty, over the common people ; and have finally involved 
human rights in such a train of litigious perplexity, vexation and 
uncertainty, as to place us pretty much at their own sovereign will 
and control. 

Many of the forms of legal instruments of writing, and other 
law proceedings, bear ample evidence of law-craft, in their unne- 
cessary intricacies, complexity and obscurity. 

The following extract from the form of a deed annexed to Black- 
stone's commentaries on law, may serve to begin with, as a speci- 
men of the form of one of the writings alluded to, and of those 
the craft generally choose to employ, wherever they are sufficient- 
ly indulged.* 

* " Wilson's farm, containing- by estimate five hundred and forty acres, 
be the same more or less, together with all and singular houses, dove 
houses, buildings, stables, yards, gardens, orchards, lands, tenements, 
meadows, pastures, feedings, commons, woods, underwoods, wavs, wa- 



252 LAW-CRAFT. 

In some parts of our country, the title to real estate has bee*n 
rendered so intricate, obscure and uncertain, as to have given em- 
ployment to a profession of men, to search out the title, and make 
an entire new and expensive deed ; and after all the purchaser 
is not sure the deed conveys an actual title, until after a given 
time has transpired ! 

Whereas, all that is necessary to convey the title to real estate, 
is a simple instrument, containing a brief general description of 
the property, defining its bounds, quantity, and terms on which it 
is sold. The common appurtenances properly belonging to real 
estate, are generally understood. At any rate they do not require 
a definite description in the deed. After a deed has been sign- 
ed, and the act of sale acknowledged before a proper magistrate, 
(in order to render the title and conveyance of real estate more 
permanent and secure than ordinary property,) by having the 
deed entered for record at the clerk's or recorder's office, before 
any other transfer, or hold of the property, has been made and 
there entered, (as is the custom in some places,) is a straight, 
practical and sure way to confirm a title to real estate. 

Blind, or sleeping titles, should never be tolerated, or permitted 
to exist, to real estate — nor in fact, to any other kind of proper- 
ty : no good and sufficient reason can ever be assigned for such a 
practice, 

Mortgages, or the pledges of real estate, in some places, are 
subject to quibbles, delays, and expenses, that are as unnecessary, 
as they are injurious to the best interests of society. There is, 
as they call it, a suit for the equity of redemption, and final fore- 
closure. 

Every quibble and uncertainty may be easily avoided, by sim- 
ply having the exact conditions of the mortgage, and tne manner 

ters, watercourses, fishing- privileges, profits, casements, commodities, 
advantages, emoluments, hereditaments, and appurtenances whatsoever 
to the said capital measurage and farm belonging- or appertaining, or 
with the same used or enjoyed, or accepted, reputed, taken or known, as 
part, parcel, or member thereof, or as belonging to the same or any part 
thereof.'' 



LAW-CRAFT. 253 

of proceeding to the end, duly denned and fixed beforehand, by a 
uniform and definite law for the purpose. 

"When the legislative wisdom of a certain state was convened, 
and several complicated bills had been projected, for the avowed 
purpose of preventing the passing of bills from unincorporated 
banks, or individuals, all of which were considered insufficient ; 
an individual told some of the leading members, that they had 
only to make it penal for issuing or using printed bills, without a 
license or act of incorporation, for no other bills could be render- 
ed sufficiently intelligible, and sure against counterfeiting, to ob- 
tain general circulation. This was allowed to be sufficient ; but 
it was too plain to suit the craft — every body could understand it ; 
so that they would not want any legal advice on the subject ; nor 
was there any blind or crooked crevice to entrap the ignorant, or 
to encourage the knavish to attempt to creep through or other* 
ways evade the law. 

In settling the accounts of a deceased officer, who died nigh 
the close of the revolutionary war, his heirs employed lawyers, as 
is usual, to prepare and bring the matter before government, 
where, after being kept along, (as is also usual,) for several years, 
(in the true litigious style,) the amount of about ten thousand 
dollars, was finally recovered — but only about one-sixth of which 
came to the heirs — the rest was claimed by the managers, as 
their own charges and expenses in procuring the settlement ! 

How many of our soldiers have been unrighteously, and unne- 
cessarily kept out of their pay, or bounty lands, for several years, 
and thus exposed to sharpers on the way to justice 1 the payment 
of pensions embarrassed, or delayed, for the purpose of feeing 
lawyers, or indulging sharpers ? 

The settlement of deceased persons estates, in many places, is 
subject to the same kind of robbery, vexation and delay.* 

And yet, the principal authors and managers of these frauds, vex- 
ations and cruelties, have the hypocrisy and impudence to boast 
of their regard for the patriots of our revolution, and for the faith- 

*See the last clause of Washington's will, by which he endeavoured 
to guard against the mares and fangs of law-craft. 



254 LAW -CRAFT. 

ful soldiers of our country generally, and style themselves, the 
friends and protectors of the widow and orphan. 

When, and wherever the common road to justice is thus usurp- 
ed, or infested with robbers, who study to render the way dark, 
hazardous and expensive, that they may the more readily embar- 
rass, detain and plunder the passengers therein, it is high time the 
guardians of justice and public safety, should attend to their duty 
— clear and protect the road to justice. 

Instead of applying our ingenuity, time, and capital, to useful 
purposes ; if mankind would direct their talents and enterprise, 
to schemes of fraud and villainy, how much better it would be 
for lawyers, since every transgression generally brings a job or two 
for them 1 

Those who are taken for forgery, passing counterfeit money, 
robbery, theft, swindling, and a variety of criminal and other 
offences, generally give most of the money they have wronged 
others of, to the lawyers they employ to facilitate their evasion of 
justice ; and the lawyers employed against them, on the part of 
government, or individuals, get another fee ; so that lawyers cer- 
tainly have a powerful interest in the multiplication and increase 
of criminal and other offences.* 

If only the malicious, and unnecessary suits, that are brought, 
together with the unnecessary delays, vexations and expences, that 
are indulged in other suits, were properly punished, discouraged 
and finally prevented, more than one half of the ordinary business 
and gains of lawyers, would cease. 

It was the opinion of Lord North, that the amount or value of 
all the cases decided by lawsuits, in England, fell short of the 
charges and general expences — that law suits, generally, cost more 

*How much more profit would lawyers generally derive, from setting- 
ingenious men by the ears — in exciting- and keeping them at war with 
each others rights and best good — in exhausting their time, talents and 
property in lawsuits and vexatious disputes about their rights, reputa- 
tions or other concerns, more than they would derive by the harmony, 
and united co-operations of such characters, in useful undertakings, and 
in ultimately promoting the general good ? 



LAW-CRAFT. 255 

than they come to — owing to the ruinous quibbles, delays and ex- 
pences, indulged. 

No wonder t\\%X perjury should be excited, and its punishment 
connived at, or finally evaded, since the use and gains of lawyers 
is promoted by every increase of human depravity, and the intrica- 
cy of examining witnesses, and of every thing else that relates to 
law proceedings. 

Ambiguous and obscure terms, often used in law proceedings, 
are extremely absurd and perplexing ; for certainly every thing 
that concerns the public, should be given in the plainest lan- 
guage. 

The craft are extremely fond of resorting to what they term 
special pleadings ; causing new or second trials ; and of trying ques- 
tions of law ; in which they often display a prodigious sight of 
" law knowledge" and perseverance. 

In their perseverance, lawyers sometimes put one in mind of 
the cunning of the old squaw ; who had a bottle of rum put into 
her hands to take a mouthful, just to hold in her mouth to allay 
the agonies of the tooth ache, when, after letting a number of 
mouthfuls of the exhilirating liquor slip down her throat, in her 
pretended efforts to hold one, she exclaimed, with extacy, " I 
dare! Til try twenty times but that I make um stick!" 

Lawyers often plan out a good many fine jobs for themselves, by 
trying questions of law, at other peoples expense ! (I here enter 
my solemn protest against legislating at the expense of individu- 
als. If there is any parts, points or passages of law, that require 
interpretation or improvement, let them be referred back to pro- 
per legislative authority, and there discussed and settled at the 
public expense ; and duly promulgated or made public as law, be- 
fore they are rendered binding.) 

There has lately been one mighty question of law going the 
rounds of discussion, between the state of Virginia, and the Co- 
hens, lottery brokers, which I shall here briefly notice. 

This question, involves an absurdity, too common in legisla- 
tion, of government, expressly instituted for the protection of 
the people against fraud and evil temptations, licensing, by spe- 
cial acts, a species of gambling, and not of the least pernicious 



256 LAW-CRAFT. 

kind, especially as lotteries and the sale of tickets, are usually 
conducted, of late years. 

The following is the case referred to : — The tickets of a lotte- 
ry, licensed by congress, in their acts of legislation for the inter- 
nal government of the district of Colombia — whether they can 
be sold in any of the states, against an express law thereof — when 
congress have no delegated authority to grant lotteries, even in 
their capacity of legislators for the general government of the 
Unite -1 states, but which right is reserved to the states, and is by 
them exercised. 

The acts of congress, in their capacity of legislators for the 
internal government of the district of Colombia, have no more 
authority, certainly, than a single state acting in unison with the 
general government ; and nobody can pretend that such an au- 
thority could annul the political sovereignty of the individual 
States. 

If it were possible for congress to get at an object in this way, 
without any express authority, and against the usages of the sev- 
eral states, why then, the little district of Columbia might serve 
as a place to fix their fulcrum upon, and upset the sovereignty of 
every state in the union, under pretext of legislating for the inter- 
nal government of the said district. Horse-racing, cock-fighting, 
bull-bating, pugiling, farrobanks, billiard tables, wheels of for- 
tune, brothels, in fact almost every kind of gambling, lewdness, 
and barbarity, might be licensed throughout the union, by con- 
gress, in their acts of legislation for the internal government of 
the little district, however hostile to the laws and well being of 
the several states. 

The agitation and progress of this " law question" has probably 
been productive of considerable employment and profit to some of 
the craft. But are men who agitate and prolong such quibbling, 
worthy of public confidence and employ 1 

The fact is, the craft are so strongly interested in having ignor- 
ant and corrupt citizens, and intricate, complicated and expen- 
sive law systems and proceedings, that but few of the profession 
of lawyers, it is feared, are real and sincere republicans. Like 
the ecclesiastical inquisitors and confessors of the old world, they 



LAW-CRAFT. 257 

derive so much power and profit from the ignorance and depravity 
of mankind, that they are strongly inclined to foster the sources 
of their gains and advantages, under some shift or pretext. 

At one time, this craft seemed chiefly devoted to an energetic 
policy — the masters of which, were the principal contrivers and 
arbiters of an unequal, oppressive, cruel and relentless system, 
favourable to the learned, rich, haughty and overbearing, and op- 
pressive and ruinous to the common people. 

When this became so odious and unpopular as to be no longer 
practicable, upon an open and genera! scale, from the increased 
information, power and influence of the common people, the craft 
then professed to turn round and embrace more just, liberal and 
enlightened views of public policy, (many turned editors!) but 
hypocritically became the chief plotters and managers of a loose, 
profligate, shuffling, or swindling policy — favourable to rogues — 
exciting and facilitating defalcations, bankruptcies, frauds and 
other offences, of almost every description, to the very great inju- 
ry and discouragement of honest industry, integrity and fair deal- 
ing, and to public usefulness generally — in order to lead mankind 
into a state of depravity, inequality and insecurity, that would aid, 
and seem to justify the necessity of an arbitrary system of govern- 
ment. 

This policy and conduct, has progressed so far already, in ma- 
ny places, that good men almost tremble for their existence, from 
the numerous temptations and facilities offered for the violation of 
common justice, and human privileges. Such indeed are the fa- 
cilities for evading final justice, offered in many instances, that the 
honest creditor lies at the will of the debtor. He who holds the 
property of another on trust, or owes him money, has the advan- 
tage of the contract, as he can do pretty much as he pleases about 
fulfilling the obligation, or have it finally annulled, by a fictitious 
surrender of his property, under some act of bankruptcy, insolv- 
ency, or other quirk of law. Although it is plain, that neither the 
states or general government have the power invested in them to 
invalidate, or finally annul the obligation of contracts, after they 
have been once honestly and faithfully entered into 

33 



258 LAW-CRAFT. 

Government may, and ought, always to protect the person, and 
even property, of an honest debtor, from any unnecessary cost, 
waste, injury, violence or injustice, offered by his creditor ; and 
they should especially exonerate the body of debtors from impris- 
onment, unless they had conducted dishonestly, to merit corpore- 
al punishment. 

Had our states or general government the power to materially 
invalidate or finally annul the obligation of contracts, honestly and 
faithfully entered into between individuals, without any fault of 
the parties, what a corrupt and dangerous power and influence 
would they have ? Suppose the leaders of government should 
be engaged in an unpopular and disastrous war, and, in order to 
raise forces and supplies, they should decree to absolve certain in- 
dividuals from their honest and legal contracts, engagements or 
penalties, on condition of their enlisting into the service of gov- 
ernment, or of their paying a proportionate or stipulated sum into 
the public treasury or hands of the said rulers. — Such, for in- 
stance, as exonerating debtors from the obligation to pay the mon- 
ey they justly owe ; the obligation of apprentices to fulfil their 
indentures ; husbands, from the validity of their marriage com- 
pacts ; slaves, from the law that holds them in perpetual and igno- 
minious bondage ; and perhaps criminal and other convicts and 
offenders, from the penalties and punishments which awaits them, 
on condition of their serving the leaders, as before stated 1 

What a host of " choice spirits" could there be collected in this 
way ! and for the basest purposes ! The human senses shudder 
at the very thoughts of such a power, and its ultimate consequen- 
ces. 

The following exhibits some precious evidences of law-craft, 
as it existed in the time of our divine Saviour and his apostles : 

" Beware of the scribes, which love to go in long clothing, and 
love salutations in the market places. And the chief seats in the 
synagogues, and the uppermost rooms at feasts. Which devour 
widows' houses, and for a pretence make long prayers. Woe unto t 
also, ye lawyers ! for ye laid men with burdens grievous to be 
borne, ye yourselves touch not the burdens with one of your fingers. 
Woe unto you, lawyers ! for ye have taken away the key of 



LAW-CRAFT. 259 

knowledge : and as he said these things unto them, the scribes and 
the Pharisees began to urge him vehemently , and to provoke him 
to speak of many things : laying wait for him, and seeking to 
catch somethi.'-g out of his mouth, that they might accuse him." 

To rely upon such characters, and their standard, for protec- 
tion, would be the heighth of absurdity. Even to resist them in 
their own way, under such circumstances, would be riveting the 
shackles tighter, by increasing their wealth and intolerable pow- 
er. Far better to suffer injustice, in the first instance, than con- 
tend in law for our rights, while knaves and tyrants control their 
operations. 

Hence our Saviour told his disciples and followers, under their 
then existing circumstances, 

" If any man will sue thee at the law, and take away thy coat, 
let him have thy cloak also" 

That is, try to shame him out of his meanness and rapacity, or 
overcome his greediness by giving more than he even demands — 
appeal to the dictates of human nature — not to the hypocritical 
artifices of human policy and corruption : Hazard a temporary 
sacrifice for a lasting betterment of condition — almost any thing, 
rather than appeal to the enemies of truth and common justice, and 
be judged by them. 

Here may be seen some of the tricks and terrors of law-craft, 
as they were practiced of old ; and particularly as they were em- 
ployed to harrass and destroy the first Christian teachers and 
their disciples and followers, especially those who had the virtue 
and courage to expose the hypocritical, corrupt and oppressive 
policy and conduct of public rulers. 

The same craft was employed to defeat the good cause of lib- 
erty or self-government, as the spirit of inquiry began to manifest 
itself in this country before our revolution, and particularly to 
terrify and crush those who had the virtue and courage to remon- 
strate against the unjust, oppressive and cruel policy and conduct 
of our public masters. And again, the same wicked and destruc- 
tive craft was busily employed against our democratic reformers 
of '98; and the tricks and terrors employed by judges, lawyers, 
and sheriffs, were particularly designed to ruin those who had the 



260 LAW-CRAFT. 

honesty and firmness to maintain the righteous cause of liberty 
and equal justice, in opposition to the hypocritical, unjust, oppres- 
sive and ruinous course, of public rulers. 

Thus, the fathers of Christianity ; the founders of the first 
practical and definite system of self-government ; the first and 
most efficient promoters of human improvement ; and indeed the 
friends and benefactors of mankind generally, have experienced 
more or less of the tricks and terrors of this wicked and destructive 
craft or policy, practised by judges, lawyers, and others concerned in 
the abuse of court authorities — who often prove themselves the 
very wolves and vultures of society. 

After all these examples and warnings, is it possible that we 
have no tribunal or authority established, to rescue a man from 
the fangs of the craft, or the all-grasping power of lawyers ? 

As to our boasted " right of trial by jury," I confess I hardly 
know what it means, as it is practised, unless it be the decision 
of such points or parts of particular cases, as the judges may 
assign them, and according to the evidence and rules dictated, 
prescribed and controlled by the court. This limited and restric- 
ted part that juries are permitted to act. in the " hearing" and de- 
cision of certain cases, bears very little security in a man's general 
concerns, against the united and almost unbounded management 
and control of judges and lawyers, in their court and government 
transactions. 

However destructive and alarming their policy and conduct, 
who can say a word openly against these knights of craft and ter- 
ror, without bringing himself right into their fangs, ', acks and tor- 
tures ? 

While we permit lawyers to exercise most of the public authori- 
ties, they will be able to prevent the establishment and opera- 
tion of any tribunal or power, that would rescue their intended 
victims. 

The following is a modern sample of the work and designs of 
the craf, from a London paper : 

" The late investigation into Lord Portsmouth's soundness of 
mind cost seven hundred pounds a day — in the whole amount 
Twenty Thousand Pounds ! Mr. Hanson has declared his inten- 



SAMPLES OF LAW-CRAFT, No. 1. 26 i 

tion to traverse the inquisition. Should he succeed, after proceed- 
ing at the like rate of expense, the result will still be the same ; 
for if he should be ultimately declared competent to manage, his 
own property, the lawyers will by that time have left him no pro- 
perty to manage I" 



Samples of Law-Craft. No. I. 

The notorious murderer, John Johnson, who was hanged No- 
vember, 1823, in the city of New- York — when he was arraigned 
at the bar of the court to plead — (that is, to say whether he was 
guilty, or not guilty, of the said murder, as found and filed against 
him, by the grand jury — a matter of form, especially in this case, 
after the fact had been established beyond all manner of doubt, by 
the culprit's own confession, substantiated by a number of irresis- 
tible facts and circumstances) — the prisoner was going to re- 
new his former confession and acknowledgment of the fact, and 
"plead guilty" but was " checked by the court !" (true to the 
interest and policy of their brethren of the craft — the offence must 
not be acknowledged — but denied, and justice resisted to the last, 
no matter what excitements it may hold out to the injury of soci- 
ety, nor what unnecessary trouble and expenses are occasioned to 
the public or individuals — the craft must have their game ! ) who 
recommended him to " take the advice of counsel" After this, we 
need not be surprised that the criminal, (by the aid and ad- 
vice — most probably by the persuasion of his lawyer or counsel,) 
when again brought to the court to plead, " boldly said, I am not 
guilty." And even after his trial and formal conviction, when the 
court asked him what he had to say why sentence should not 
be passed upon him for the said murder, he said " he was not the 
man,"* Thus, if possible, aggravating his crimes before Heaven 
and Earth. ! 



* The principal and leading facts in this case, are quoted from Ne\r- 
York papers, and are presumed to be without error. 



262 SAMPLES OF LAW-CRAFT, No. 1. 

Is it possible, that prompters to villainy should not only be tole- 
rated, but actually endowed with special privileges and advantages 
to aid in the excitement and escape of criminal and other offend- 
ers ! 

We here see what took place in open day before the public ; but 
what may not be apprehended to be done in secret to harden and 
encourage criminal and other offenders, and to facilitate their eva- 
sion of justice, by the aid and advice of such interested and indul- 
ged counsellors ! 

In the examination of the accounts of public agents, in 1822, by 
certain determined and active members of congress, for the pur- 
pose of detecting corruption, and of effecting a retrenchment of 
the national expenditures, it was ascertained, among other things, 
that the attorney general had made separate and additional charges 
for his professional services to the general government, over and 
above his salary, (which is $3,500 a year.) Among which was one 
charge of mi, re than a thousand dollars, (the exact sum is not now 
recollected,) for his services in trying the mail robbers at Baltimore. 
The matter was referred to a committee, (the chairman of which 
was a brother lawyer !) who, (I dare say after a learned and labo- 
rious investigation of the subject,) eased off with a report favorable 
to the said charges. 

If lawyers have such enormous gains to expect from the trial of 
criminal and other offenders, is it not reasonable to conclude that 
they secretly desire and aid their increase, by artfully holding out 
evil temptations, and by encouraging and assisting resistance to 
justice 1 If such, in fact, are their interests and policy, are they 
a safe set of men to entrust with the making and administration of 
laws, for the actual suppression of criminal and other offenders ? 
and finally promoting the general peace, harmony, security, pros- 
perity and happiness of the people of this republican community 1 

The commissions of one lawyer, in settling the late Spanish 
claims, amounted to about seventy thousand dollars ! 

If lawyers hsve such mighty gains to expect from national de- 
predations, and from tedious, intricate and obscure modes of ad- 
justment, would it be reasonable to suppose that they would 
exert themselves, in any capacity, honestly and sincerely to 



SAMPLES OF LAW-CRAFT, No. 1. 263 

promote a plain and direct course — for instance, the establishment 
of a definite and efficient code of international law, to govern 
the transactions and general concerns between nations ? and to 
adjust and settle individual claims 1 

The law expences made the state of New- York, about their poor, 
for 1823 (mostly, if not all, unnecessary,) was stated at twenty 

ODD THOUSAND DOLLARS ! 

A certain lawyer got a fortune of several hundred thousand 
dollars ! in settling the estate of a deceased person ! 

Can it be possible that these things should be noticed by an in- 
telligent and reflecting mind, without seeing their awful conse- 
quences, and particularly to the people of this country ! 

When Cataline's treasonable conspiracy against Rome was pub- 
licly investigated, a lawyer was anxious to manage the case 
against the traitor, with the secret intention of facilitating his 
escape ! but Cicero, who saw through the craft, would not per- 
mit him. 

Lawyers are very fond of claiming Cicero as a model of their 
profession ; but he was an advocate for himself, his friends, and 
his country : not a tool to be hired to aid and assist rogues in the 
evasion of justice, nor to rob, persecute or oppress honest men. 

Cicero was governed by the noble principles of justice, patri- 
otism, and honour. And I am glad to perceive that we have some 
such characters at the present day : but it must be owned that 
they are abo e the general policy and example of their profession. 

Suppose the laws were rendered so intricate, complicated, and 
vague or difficult to be understood, that no body, without the aid 
or advice of a lawyer, could safely transact any considerable bu- 
siness — that is, convey or receive, a good and valued title to real 
estate, or make any other considerable contract, or instrument of 
writing, that should be considered as legally binding ; or enforce 
the fulfilment of a contract, or the collection of a debt, or resist a 
gross and palpable fraud ; or, in fact, use the laws, any way, so 
as to possess and enjoy our own rights and privileges : and sup- 
pose, too, they should shackle the press, so that nobody but a 
thorough bred lawyer could write a paragraph for a newspaper, 
without wording it so as to be subject to some legal quibble or 
penalty — where then would be our boasted rights and liberties ! 



204 SAMPLES OF LAW-CRAFT. No. 

Samples of Lawcraft, No. 2. 

Among the various little cunning and artifices, employed by 
unprincipled and designing lawyers to effect their crooked policy 
and designs, there is perhaps none openly practised, which is 
more detestable in principle, and pernicious in its general exam- 
ple and consequences, than their studied efforts to bring passion 
against reason — to excite levity, laughter, and make fun, or to 
provoke treachery and malice, as best calculated to defeat cool and 
dispassionate truth, justice and reason.— Well knowing that in 
proportion as passion takes the reins, reason looses its influence 
over mankind. 

This base and inhuman craft — which makes game and spoil of 
the rights, liberties and happiness of fellow beings, is sometimes 
particularly manifested in their transactions in legislative assem- 
blies, and often in managing cases before courts, juries, common 
magistrates, and in their political and other discussions generally, 
both verbal and written. 

Parties, witnesses, juries and public assemblies, are often most 
perniciously affected by these degrading arts. 

More than half the trials that have actually taken place in our 
courts, may be fairly imputed to the little cunning and artifices of 
this hypocritical and detestable craft. 

The frivolous and angry passions that have been purposely 
engendered and kept alive in our political and other public dis» 
cussions, by the arts and agencies of this infernal craft, have al- 
ready inflicted serious wounds and injuries on the people and gov- 
ernment of this country. 

It seems quite astonishing, when we duly reflect on this sub- 
ject, that the dignity and real object of a tribunal of justice, le- 
gislative assembly, and in fact any body of men convened for so- 
ber investigation, reflection, discussion, and decision, should be 
thus trifled with and their real object defeated, by a few litigious 
and political jugglers, blackguards, and bullies. 

During the session of the N. Y. legislature at Albany, spring 
of 1825, they were petitioned to establish a definite and distinct 



SAMPLES OF LAW-CRAFT, No. 2. 265 

f law— suitable to the general understanding and wants of 
the people— a more important subject for the good of the people, 
certainly was never brought before that Assembly, nor one which 
was probably more at variance with the policy and designs of 
many of its members. Some of the members of the Assembly, it 
is said, affected to be mightily tickled on the occasion— laughed 
a good deal, and seemed to make fun of the subject — the peo- 
ple's good ; so that the petition could hardly be said to have had a 
moment's sober consideration, by the House. 

A communication in a New- York city paper, sometime after, in 
reference to a contemplated meeting of " the bar," to devise, or 
advise, some improvement or alteration in the organization, ar- 
rangement or operation of state courts, professedly to prevent un- 
necessary and grievous delays of justice, complained of ; the wri- 
ter of which, seemed to congratulate the craft, by noticing that 
the man of fun would be there, at the notified meeting — meaning, 
I conclude, that there would be an artful effort to make fun of this 
important subject. (How cunning some folks are — nobody can 
see through their policy ! ) 

In regard to the delays of justice, before noticed, it has been es- 
timated by " the bar" at Albany, in their memorial to the legisla- 
ture of the state of New- York, (spring of 1825,) that the amount 
of expenses on suits pending for trial and not reached on the 
docket of the Supreme court, was the rate of a fraction over 
$55,000 a year ; and that an equal amount similarly occurs in 
the court of chancery : — making together the gross sum of one 
hundred and eleven thousand dollars a year, taxed on the parties 
waiting for trial in these two courts, by the delays of justice! 

This is certainly a remarkable acknowledgment to come from 
lawyers, who are probably the sole cause of the evil, and certain- 
ly the profession most benefitted by the unnecessary perplexities 
and delays of justice. 

The following piece is from the N. Y. Statesman, of May 
10th, 1825 ; signed An Observer, and is highly illustrative of one 
branch of law-craft : 

" Administration of Justice. — The subject of our laws, has lately 
excited that attention which so interesting a topic is always enti- 
tled to. That they are not adequate to the wants of the commn- 

34 



266 SAMPLES OF LAW-CRAFT, No. 2. 

nity, no person will deny ; and that the proceedings of our courts 
are not only dilatory, but expensive, will be as generally admit- 
ted. To ascertain the cause of an evil, is always an important 
step towards its removal ; and I therefore propose to give your 
readers some account of the difficulty and delay, and consequently 
the expense attending the administration of justice. 

These originate in several causes. First, from the multiplicity 
of the forms of actions — that is, from the great diversity which 
prevails in the sort of action it is necessary to bring, for the vari- 
ous claims which arise in our intercourse with each other. Se- 
condly, from the nicety required in the pleadings ; and thirdly, 
from the various shifts which are resorted to in practice, for the 
purpose of delay, and which are tolerated by our courts. In the 
" Natorae Brevium," a book which our English ancestors have 
compiled, for the purpose of providing a remedy for every injury,, 
there are given perhaps forty or fifty different forms of writs, which 
may be considered as so many various actions. Every one of these 
must be drawn with nice and technical distinctions. And in the 
subsequent proceedings, or the pleadings which are to follow, the 
same nicety and distinction must be pursued, or the parties are 
liable to be defeated in their action, on the ground of informality. 

To exemplify the nature of these niceties, the following exam- 
ple is given : 

In instituting a real action, which is an action for the recovery 
of land, the writs are of various kinds, according to the nature of 
the claim ; this variety, originating wholly in the peculiarity of the 
laws of England, relating to descents. Some of these actions are 
said to be of a higher nature than others, and if a demandant, or 
person claiming real estate, should happen by mistake, as to the 
legal nature of his claim, to bring an action of a higher nature 
for its recovery, and should fail in it, he never could bring anoth- 
er. He must therefore, in order to proceed with safety, first bring 
an action of a lower nature, that he may, according to the requi- 
sition of the law, if he fail in it, afterwards bring a higher. And 
thus he may have occasion to bring several actions before he can 
obtain his right. 

In personal actions, those for instance, which are for the recov- 



SAMPLES OF LAW-CRAFT, No. 2. 267 

ery of debts or damages, the same variety prevails as in real ac- 
tions. Thus we have actions arising ex contract, or ex dilicto, 
the one sort being founded upon contracts, and the other for 
wrongs independently of contracts. 

Actions upon contract are again divided into actions of account, 
assumpsit, covenant, debt, annuity, and scire facias. 

Actions for wrongs, independently of contract, are case, detinue, 
replevin, and vi ct armis. These are all only general names, and 
in many of them when we come to state the particular origin of 
the claim, either on contract, or for wrongs. We have actions 
upon actions, of as many different names as the ingenuity and in- 
vention of lawyers, have been enabled to devise distinctions and 
divisions. And the evil of all this is, that each requires pecu- 
liarities and particularities, in the form of the proceedings, that 
the least mistake in, would prove fatal to the party. When the 
plaintiff comes to state his action, he is obliged to resort to the 
expedient of telling his story in a half dozen different ways, 
and all perhaps varient from the truth, in order that if he miss 
formality in one, he may perhaps hit in another. ,For the extra- 
ordinary part of the system is, that if his story be ever so true, 
yet if he has not told it, in set forms and phrases, he cannot be 
listened to. 

The better to make my readers understand this subject, (for I 
do not write for lawyers,) I will define what the profession under- 
stand by pleadings. These are the written statements of the par- 
ties to a suit. The plaintiffs statement of his cause of action, 
is called the declaration, and the defendant's answer to this 
statement, is called the plea. When the plaintiff has made his 
statement, the defendant pleads or answers ; and these answers 
are as multifarious and as crooked in their structure, and indeed 
more so, than the plaintiffs declarations. 

He may plead to the Jurisdiction of the court ; to the person 
of the plaintiff or defendant ; to the court ; to the writ, either to 
its form, or to its substance ; and lastly to the action itself. I will 
not puzzle the reader by entering into an explanation of these 
technical distinctions. It may be sufficient to say, that they all 
originate in the different grounds which the defendant may have 



268 SAMPLES OF LAW-CRAFT, No. 2. 

it in his power to offer, to prevent a recovery in the action ; and 
the only one which has relation to the merits of the controversy, 
is generally the last. 

To all these pleas again, the plaintiff has a right to answer. 
And he may answer, either as to the form or to the substance of 
the plea. The first of these is called a demurrer; the secon tl a 
replication. To every plea interposed by the defendant, and to 
every subsequent answer of either party to the pleading of the 
• other, the right exists to plead or demur, and this goes on if the 
parties think necessary, (I was going to say almost ad infinitum,) 
but at any rate to a considerable extent. There may always be a 
demurrer as to the form of the pleading ; and this must be argued 
and determined, before another answer can be given. And if it 
be determined, against the party whose pleading is demurred to, 
he is obliged to answer again ; and again he may be demurred to, 
and so on continually. Some of these pleadings, are expressly 
invented for purposes of delay, and are therefore in a legal phrase 
called dilatory pleas. Others are invented, for they seem to have 
no other object, to embarrass the parties. Some are for the pur- 
pose of putting the plaintiff out of court, however just a ground 
of action he may have, and thereby subjecting him to the cost of 
suit, and compelling him to begin again. And in real actions es- 
pecially, so many and such expedients of this sort may be resort- 
ed to, that as the practice now stands, with the delays incident 
to the multiplicity of causes in our Supreme Court, a suit might 
very easily be protracted for seven years. We could easily de- 
monstrate this, did the limits we have assigned ourselves in this 
communication permit ; but it would take some time to make it 
intelligible to an ordinary reader. 

We are aware of many things, that professional men may urge, 
in favor of much of the " legal lore" above referred to : We con- 
fess however, for ourselves, that we consider the whole system of 
special pleading, as little better than chicanery, and as having its 
origin in petty verbal distinction, and the arts of ingenious but 
wicked men, to aid the cause of their clients at the expense of 
justice. 

It is this which has brought the science as well as the practice 



SAMPLES OP LAW -CRAFT, No. 2. 269 

of the law into disrepute ; and so long as its professors shall con- 
tinue to uphold the system, in opposition to the reason, the intelli- 
gence, and the enlarged views, which are beginning to obtain in 
our country, they must expect to be identified with its character. 
A little reflection, and some consequent exertion, on the part of 
professional men, might soon render the system tolerable. And I 
sincerely believe it would be not only a creditable circumstance, 
but would, in the end, subserve their interests, to do away the mys- 
tery of the art, and to substitute substance in the place of form. 
In our laws we have left the one for the other, and the professional 
lawyer, from habit and education, can think of justice only as she 
is clothed in technical forms. It would be easy to substistute pro- 
ceedings which would answer the ends of justice quite as effectual- 
ly as the present. In the court of chancery, a single statement of 
his case on the part of the plaintiff, and a single statement of the 
defence, on the part of the defendant, is found abundantly suffi- 
cient for all the purposes of justice. Why not adopt the same 
course in the proceedings in our courts, and thus get rid at once of 
all the delays and expenses which attends this endless and useless 
special pleadings 1 What lawyer ever thought of looking into the 
pleadings in a cause with any other view, than of referring his 
opponent to the legal rights he had entitled himself to, by the forms 
of his proceedings 1 The merits of the cause, lie dehors the record. 
While the suitors are only looking to the facts, their advocates are 
fighting under legal forms : And I appeal to the practitioner him- 
self, whether the influence he is under, while exerting himself in 
behalf of his client, is not half derived from a consciousness of the 
advantage he has from the rules of pleading. 

But it is to our citizens at large that we are to look for aid on 
the present occasion. Let them unanimously lift their voice in fa- 
vour of a code of laws ; and of a modification of legal proceedings. 
Let them demand from the legislature an attention to their rights 
as citizens, and to their interests as social beings, and we shall 
have nothing to fear from the profession. Without disparagement 
of their influence, and without a wish but that they may ennoble a 
science worthy of their charge, I would wish these professional 
gentlemen to believe that I am influenced by no hostility to them 



270 SAMPLES OF LAW-CRAFT, No. 2. 

in any thing I have offered on this subject. I respect them, as I 
respect every class of our citizens. The good they shall do will 
be spoken to their praise, and the evil only to their dishonour." 

The following advertisement, (cut out of the Watertown Inde- 
pendent Republican,) exhibits some of the instruments for the ex- 
ercise of law-craft, in the state of New York : 

$£f*The following BLANKS are kept constantly for sale at 

this office : 

DECLARATIONS on Mutuatus— and Judgment rolls. 

Declaration on Notes 

On Notes payable to bearer. 

On notes indorsed. 

First indorsee v. 1st indorser. 

Second indorsee v. drawer. 

Second indorsee v. 2d indorser. 

Third indorsees. 1st, 2d, or 3d indorser. 

Money counts. 

Merchandise sold, work and labour, or use and occupation. 

and money counts. 
Merchandise sold, and money counts. 
Narr. Work, goods sold, acct. stated money counts. 
Plea non-assumpsit, payment and notice of set-off. 
Narr. on a bail bond. 
Narr. bond on a debt. Oyer. 
Narr. debt on recognizance of bail. 
Narr. in slander. 
Insolvent papers, and Affidavits. 
Bills of cost in Supreme Court. 
Capias, Supreme and Common Pleas. 



Fi. fa. in debt, 


do. 


do. 


Fi. fa. in case, 


do. 


do. 


Test. fi. fa. in debt. 


do! 


do. 


Test. fi. fa. in case, 


do. 


do. 


Ca. sa. in debt, 


do. 


do. 


Ca. sa. in case, 


do. 


do. 


Test. ca. sa. in debt, 


do. 


<*o. 



do. 


do. 


do. 


do. 


do. 


do. 



SAMPLES OF LAW-CRAFT, No. 2. 271 

Test. ca. sa. in case, 

Subp's, and Venires, 

Bail bonds, 

Subpoena tickets. 

Licences to tavern keepers. 
A writer in Noah's New York National Advocate, of October 
1st, 18*25, who signs himself A Lawyer; in advocating the jus- 
tice and importance of examining the qualifications and conduct 
of our judges, as well as other public servants ; says that, " in the 
code lately adopted in the state of Louisiana, which was prepared 
by Mr. Livingston, we find an express article on this point. — After 
a cause, whether civil or criminal, is decided, it shall be law- 
ful for any one by printing, and in writing, as well as by speech, 
to discuss the reasons of any judgment, order or decree, given 
in the course of any such suit or prosecution, and to call in ques- 
tion the legality or propriety of the same." 

From this it would seem that the common freedom and right of 
discussing and giving opinions on the conduct of public servants, 
was denied, in that of the chief officers of our courts ! A pretty 
extraordinary case, to be sure, and one well worthy of the partic- 
ular attention of the sovereign people ! 

Unprincipled and designing lawyers, like monarchists and aris- 
tocrats, have studied to render a knowledge of the laws, profes- 
sedly designed for the guide and protection of mankind, and the 
administration thereof, a complex, intricate and distinct science, 
known only to themselves and a few who have studied the same as 
a profession ; and chiefly in order to exclude all who have not 
thoroughly studied this profession or science, from offices of any 
considerable trust or profit ! 

If all our complex, obscure and absurd systems of law were ju- 
diciously revised, or a definite and distinct code provided, so that 
every man of good common sense and information, might under- 
stand and use the laws for their own guide, and protecttion, un- 
principled lawyers would soon find miserable picking, in this 
country. This they probably well know, and therefore seem deter- 
mined to embarrass, pervert and defeat every effort for improving 
the road to justice. Like the haughty and corrupt tyrants of the 



272 THE INTEREST AND DUTY OF FREEMEN. 

old world, they seem resolved to throw every obstacle in the way 
most to baffle the progress of genuine civilization, and to yield 
nothing but to absolute force. 



The Interest and Duty of Freemen. 

We are generally too much in the habit of puffing great men, 
or those possessed of considerable fame, influence or authority, 
and of concealing their real faults. This cowardly, hypocritical 
and sycophantic course of policy and conduct, is a shameful and 
dangerous deviation from our duty, both as Christians and repub- 
licans. 

Many of our pretended biographies, are mere eulogies. Their 
subjects are prodigies, or all perfection from their very birth. 

Franklin wrote his own history, and candidly admitted his 
faults and errors — which he studied to retrieve and amend. It 
would be important for mankind if all histories had been written 
with as much candor and faithfulness. 

The best friends and benefactors of mankind, denounce the 
errors of those from whose conduct and examples we generally 
have the most to apprehend. 

The founder of Christianity, and its first faithful teachers, 
plainly told the faults of men in power. Witness the following 
bold declaration of Jesus Christ : — 

" Beware of the scribes, which love to go in long clothing, and 
love salutations in the market places. And the chief seats in the 
synagogues, and the uppermost rooms at feasts. Which devour 
widows' houses, and for a pretext make long prayers. Wo also, 
unto ye lawyers ! for ye lade men with heavy burdens griev- 
ous to be borne, ye yourselves touch not the burdens with one of 
your fingers. Wo unto you lawyers ! for ye have taken away 

THE KEY OF KNOWLEDGE !" 

Look also to the declaration of American Independence, and 
there see what the fathers of republican justice and humanity, 
told our unjust and despotic rulers. 

Some, from fear and cowardice, and others from a treacherous 



THE INTEREST AND DUTY OF FREEMEN. 273 

policy and design, flatter and fawn round those in possession of 
considerable influence, wealth, or authority. 

Error becomes dangerous, in proportion as the source from 
which it emanates, is elevated. 

We should habituate ourselves, freely to examine the policy and 
conduct of public servants, as truly becomes the proprietors and 
actual sovereigns of this vast and improving country. 

I probably entertain my due share of respect and esteem, for 
the illustrious individuals who have been chief-magistrates of this 
nation. Yet they were fallible beings, like ourselves. 

Washington, can scarcely be said to have had a public fault. 
If, in the wane of life, those who enjoyed his confidence as friends, 
undertook to deceive him, and to use his good and great name as 
a cloak to their evil designs and purposes, it was no fault of the 
man. 

His good sense — honesty, wisdom and general consistency of 
conduct and character, most contributed to his unparalleled excel- 
lence. 

The elder president Adams, although ardent in the cause of 
our independence, was, it is believed, by constitution, education 
and habit, rather inclined to aristocracy. Discipline, however, 
probably brought him right at last. 

Jefferson, with all his goodness of mind, philanthrophy, con- 
sistency, and regard for republican justice and equality, lately 
headed a petition to congress for exempting from the common 
importing duties, classical books for the promotion of extra learn- 
ing. 

Madison's pardoning about forty pirates at one batch, after 
they had been taken, tried, and duly convicted, at New Orleans ; 
and some other weaknesses or indulgences of nighly the same 
character, probably led to much, if not most of the late piracy. 
The late war, blundered and lingered under incompetent leaders, 
until the people got roused to their public dangers and took a de- 
gree of their national concerns into their own private hands. 

Monroe, in addition to some of his predecessors pardoning 
weaknesses ; has been endeavouring, (though probably with good 
intentions,) to do away party — which is as necessary for the pre- 

35 



274 THE INTEREST AND DUTY OF FREEMEN. 

serration of free government, as bile is to that of the human body. 
His " era of good feelings" or general truce of party vigilance 
and inspection, (the forerunner of numerous and immense public 
defalcations and delinquences of duty,) let the enemy into the 
very heart of the republic, and so confused and confounded right 
and wrong, friends and foes, profession and practice, that it has 
become extremely difficult, without long and critical inspection, to 
tell what a man's political principles are, or whether, in fact, he 
lias any principles or established rule of conduct. 

Notwithstanding the numerous, loud and glorious sounds-— -it is 
the opinion of some, that the substance of real republicanism, 
was probably never more fatally declining among us, than at the 
present day : And that this is manifested, chiefly by the neglect 
of duly educating the common people — their growing ignorance 
and political apathy, resulting from their want of adequate intel- 
ligence and instruction on subjects of general interest and con- 
cern, and their consequent neglect or misdirection of personal at- 
tention thereto — while the most extraordinary exertions are ma- 
king to promote the extra education, elevation and interests of a 
priviledged/ew, and mainly at the expense and degradation of 
the many ; the introduction and prevalence of frivolous, effemin- 
ating, hypocritical, demoralizing and corrupting fashions, manners 
and customs, favorable to the existence and growth of aristocracy 
—right from their fashionable hotbeds in Europe ; the growing 
dread and contempt of every thing that truly bears the name of 
honesty and public usefulness, and the consequent schemes and 
efforts to get a living without work, and to make fortunes by per- 
nicious speculations, " tricks in trade," corporation and other 
swindling, and the like spoils on the common virtue and industry 
of the country ; the increase of pauperism, begging and spung- 
ing, under a variety of hypocritical and frivolous pretexts, tend- 
ing to check the growth and exercise of manly, self-dependent 
feelings and actions, and to bring the common people into a kind 
of cringing, fawning dependence on the few, more wealthy, in- 
fluential and powerful ; and, above all, the alarming multiplica- 
tion and increase of criminal and other offences, with the various 
and detestable excitements thereto, and the growing facilities and 
exertions to evade good and wholesome justice. All tending, most 



OF A SYSTEM OF BANKRUPTCY. 275 

powerfully, to promote the ignorance, inequality, delusion, pover- 
ty, depravity and downfall of a virtuous and free people. 

It is certainly to be feared, that the vigilance and enquiry that 
was awakened at the latter part of the last century, into the prin- 
ciples and actions of public men, and to the measures of govern- 
ment generally, is sinking into apathy, and finally yielding up to 
a low, hypocritical, local, personal, degrading |and ruinous 
policy. 



General Policy and Fruits of a System of Bankruptcy. 

The British government have done a great deal to recruit and 
support the rotten cause of monarchy and aristocracy in their 
country, by a system of bankruptcy ; which is of itself a privi- 
ledged law — exciting and promoting commercial gambling and 
swindling — tending to impoverish and corrupt the middling, most 
republican, worthy and useful class of people in society ; and at 
the same time producing desperate characters — fit instruments to 
carry on the corrupt and cruel work and designs of arbitrary gov- 
ernment. 

The holy inquisition, and religious despotisms of the old world 
generally, have been served by bankrupts — men rendered despe- 
rate in fortune and character, in promoting their dark and infa- 
mous designs and purposes. 

" Ir isery loves company ;" and when one man is ruined in for* 
tune or character, he generally becomes a fit instrument in the 
hands of knaves and tyrants, for promoting the misery and des- 
truction of others. 

A law in this country, to promote bankruptcy among mer- 
chants and traders, must have essentially the same effect in the end. 

One would imagine, there would be merchants and traders 
enough for the good of society, without granting them any extra 
privileges or indulgences. 

If merchants and traders would be honest — hazard nothing for 
their own benefit but what was actually their own property, and 
properly secure the amount of risks they are unable to bear them- 



276 CONVERSATIONS BETWEEN A 

selves, by insurance against the dangers of fire, and of the seas, 
there would in general be no more necessity for their failure, than 
of farmers and mechanics. All of whom are liable to have their 
property injured or destroyed, by fire, tornadoes, drought, vermin, 
pestilence, and a variety of calamities and misfortunes. And, if 
any of them injudiciously trust out their property ; enter into 
hazardous speculations, or any way encounter foolish risks, they 
are liable to lose their property and be cast upon the world poor, 
or in destitute circumstances. But what then, are we not bound, 
in perfect justice and humanity, to have, at least as much sympa- 
thy and respect for the real misfortunes and sufferings of men, 
who earn their property by the industrious, laborious, useful and 
honorable profession and occupation of a farmer, mechanic or man- 
ufacturer, as for a scheming and slippery trader 1 

It is affirmed, that honest men don't need or desire any law to 
absolve them from the obligation of fair contracts, and that knaves 
would abuse such a law. 

It does finally appear, on the whole, that there is something rot- 
ten in these systems of bankruptcy, and insolvency, tending pow- 
erfully to the destruction of republican virtue, justice and equality, 
and to furnish fit instruments for carrying on the desperate work 
of corruption and despotism. 



Conversations between a Monarchist and a Republican. 

Monarchist. I don't like this kind of mob-lilce government. 

'Republican. What do you mean, by mob-like government? 
• M. A government where the rabble rule — where the sovereign 
people reign in might and majesty ; and who can do no wrong, 
whether they knock a man's brains out for daring to speak the 
truth out openly against their will and pleasure, or for exciting 
their envy or greediness, by the superiority of his talents, pro- 
ductions or acquirements. 

R. The sovereign people can do wrong; and they do com- 
mit a wrong action, whenever they violate the principles of mor- 



MONARCHIST AND A REPUBLICAN. 277 

al or political justice — the acknowledged standard of our com- 
pact or government, towards a nation, or individual. But, the 
people generally bear their own wrongs ; not like the wrongs of 
kings or sovereign princes, for which the people suffer. By the 
rabble, do you mean a majority of the people 1 

M. Yes, — the multitude. 

JR. How great a proportion of the people of the United States, 
would you designate as the rabble, or multitude 1 

M. Ninety-nine hundredths, or more. 

R. How would you have us governed, if not by the will of 
the majority 1 

M. The science of government, is a deep, intricate and com- 
plicated subject, that requires great talents and learning to under- 
stand ; and is as much above the general reach and comprehen- 
sion of the rabble, as the planetary system is beyond the inspec- 
tion of the naked eye. 

R. The science of government, with many other arts, have 
been rendered as intricate and complex as possible, in order to 
exclude them from the comprehension and understanding of the 
common people. The fallacy and wickedness of this craft, has been 
pretty well demonstrated, already, by the experiments of govern- 
ments in this hemisphere. However, there are many, I presume, 
even in this country, nighly of your opinion or liking. Perhaps one 
half, twothirds, or more, of the learned professions, together with 
many possessed of large estates, and some few others. But how is 
such a change of government to be brought about 1 surely it can- 
not be effected by force of arms, for the multitude, as you call them, 
would be able to bear down all before them ; and quite likely 
they would think proper to shoot or hang those who should rebel 
against the established government and laws of the country ; and 
confiscate the estates of internal enemies — more especially the rich 
men, if any should be so base, ungrateful, or unwise, as not to be sat- 
isfied with equal justice, or even with having their persons and pro- 
perty protected without bearing an active part themselves ; but 
should actually conspire against the common rights and good of 
community, for the purpose of obtaining further, and undue ad- 
vantages over their fellow men. And if foreign troops should be 



278 CONVERSATIONS BETWEEN A 

brought in to aid in the subjugation of the people of this country, 
ten to one they would come over and join us. The glorious ex- 
ample set by the troops of Spain, (in 1820,) has taught mankind 
what can be accomplished, when those who bear arms resolve to 
use them in favor of justice and humanity. But who shall our 
national sovereignty be entrusted with, if not with the people ? 
They are the supporters and defenders of the country, and have 
to bear the final result of good or bad measures and government, 
and why should they not dictate and controul 1 Those who talk of 
a monarchy or arbitrary government in this country, know little 
or nothing about the matter. If an attempt should be made to es- 
tablish a government here, in contempt of the public will, it would 
soon be found that the people were their own masters, and abundant- 
ly able to guard and protect themselves. If an undertaking should 
commence to create orders of nobility, with titles, privileges and 
badges of distinction, it would require an immense number of po- 
litical slaves and mercenary butchers to maintain their authority. 
How then could such a change be effected, do tell me 1 

31. If you must know, I will tell you how it may, and proba- 
bly will be accomplished. In the first place, I would not call it a 
monarchy or arbitrary authority — although the names sound well 
enough to me, yet there is such a prejudice against them among 
the rabble of this country, that you might almost as well go to 
war with the elements as attempt to overcome it — at least, sudden- 
ly. Neither would I undertake to effect a change by force of 
arms, for such an attempt, it is pretty well conjectured, would go 
wrong. I should not care much what name was given to the gov- 
ernment ; call it a republic, if you please, that seems to sound 
best to suit the rabble ; and let the political chief be styled a 
president ; and, for the present, dispense with the name of a no- 
bility. Privileged orders are growing quite fast enough in this 
country, and in time they will assume names and distinctions to 
suit themselves. A change of government is only the work of 
time and management. Much is already done, and more is con- 
tinually doing to effect the object. To complete, however, in the 
first place, your laws need only to be continued so deep, intricate, 
and complicated, that none but regular bred lawyers and a few 



MONARCHIST AND A REPUBLICAN. 279 

others the most learned, can understand them. This essentially 
fixes the civil authority in the hands of learned and respectable 
characters. The next efficient aid, is, perhaps a learned and re- 
spectable clergy. If possible, organized as a priesthood, or any 
way to have them act together — with or without a temporal head ; 
and paid by government, or by permanent funds, so as to render 
them independent of the rabble. This would finally bring the ec- 
clesiastical power to co-operate with the civil authority. With 
these two powers united, (the military being subordinate to the 
civil authority,) there would, I think, be but little to fear from 
the rabble. By the way, I don't think much, at present, of the 
political power of the clergy of this country, taken generally 
throughout the whole United States ; although their influence is 
apparently growing and linking itself together for national purpo- 
ses. Tolerating all religious denominations, and leaving them to 
the free choice and support of the parishioners, without the inter- 
ference of government, as is chiefly the case at present, operates, 
in a measure, like so many different checks and balances, or makes 
the clergy in a degree, counteract their own political power and 
influence. The different sects are generally jealous of the polit- 
ical power and influence of each other, and therefore act, in some 
measure, as censors on their own policy and conduct. Howev- 
er, if power is their main object, they may somehow unite in their 
political purposes, at least a majority of them, notwithstanding 
their different sectarian creeds. 

After all, it mainly rests with the lawyers, to complete this 
change. They already exercise a kind of political sovereignty 
over the multitude ; who dare not resist them ; nor criticise much 
into their policy and conduct. It is, in fact, this ; with the con- 
tinued aid and influence upon society here, of European systems 
and rules of education, literature, customs, manners, new fash- 
ions of dress ; systems and doctrines of law, religion, court eti- 
quette, &c. ; with your usual dependance on their manufactures 
and other supplies. Europeans also control an immense amount of 
your public stocks and other monied resources, ready to wield 
for your embarrassment, discipline and correction, when ever you 
rebel against their lead. By these means, the mother country de- 



280 CONVERSATIONS BETWEEN A 

rives a considerable tax and homage from you, without the trouble 
and expense of your government. 

These laws, and weapons ; together with some of the interests 
and practices of those who bear rule in authority here, are well 
calculated to promote the change. 

R. There has, I know, been such juggling, slight-of-hand 
tricks, or strange management, in many of our political transac- 
tions, that a man might often profess republicanism and practice 
monarchy, or any of its subordinate c aft, without being much 
out of fashion. But as to this hypocritical and ruinous course ; 
with the deep, intricate and complicated law systems, that afford 
so much aid and comfort to the enemy — by promoting monarchy 
and aristocracy in this country ; together with the influence and 
power of their chief designers and managers : and our lack of a 
wise and consistent internal or national system and policy — they 
are all, I trust, in a fair way of correction and improvement. If 
I am not greatly mistaken, the people of this country are getting 
their eyes open pretty fast, to these subjects — as well as to the use 
and operation of some of your learned and respectable characters. 
For instance, such men as Absalom Allgab, Esq., the spouter, 
who can make a speech four or five hours long, upon almost no- 
thing, and combine truth and error so lea nedly together, as hardly 
to be distinguished ; and the big law character, Squire Q,uibble ; 
who beats all creation for law knowledge ; and who, it is said, 
can fnd law, for almost any thing ; or draw a special writ so in- 
tricate and complicated, as to puzzle a juggler. He councilled 
and assisted G. M. Swindle, to twist old Mr. Barnall out of the 
chief part of his property ; and when the old man complained 
and told his neighbours of the transactions, Squire Quibble, 
(thinking the old man could not prove all the transactions, or that 
the truth would not be admitted in evidence against him, according 
to a well known British law maxim,) just had an attachment put 
upon the old man's body, for a good round sum, and sent him to 
prison, for defaming his " good name, fame aid reputation," as 
he called it. There is the honorable John Two-face, Esq., who, 
after being turned out of public confidence and employ, for his hyp- 
ocritical and oppressive policy and conduct, got made a bank di- 



MONARCHIST AND A REPUBLICAN. 581 

rector, through the aid and influence of his aristocratic and moni- 
ed friends and connexions, to make up for his lost power and hon- 
ors — where he might rule over thousands, and tens of thousands of 
money that was none of his own — loosen the purse strings, and 
then draw in again, first to bait, and then to hook or snare his 
game, to gratify his overbearing feelings and designs, and finally 
to make the rich, richer, and the poor, poorer. And there is Nat 
Premium, who would almost shave a man's pluck, for money, I 
suppose, too, would be called respectable, in a true monarchical or 
aristocratic sense, because he has got rich without exercising any 
laborious or vulgar profession. — And Tim Dash, who took a for- 
tune by adventuring in hazardous speculations, for his own bene- 
fit, other people's money, without their knowledge or consent. 
There is the big M^Sleavebender, who is enabled to lie in bed un- 
til ten o'clock, and afterwards to ride in a coach, only just by 
marrying a daughter of the commissary — who was one of those 
trading, contracting or commission patriots, who went into the war 
poor, and came out rich, and always carefully avoided scenes of 
battle and danger. And there is also, Artemus Underwag, the 
old dandy, who wears none but the best of " London Cloth" — 

cuts a great figure at a dining-out, or supper parly — d s off the 

rabble most genteelly, and sings "God save the king," to admira- 
tion. But we, republicans, don't think much of such learning, 
accomplishments and characters. They don't make good and 
useful members of society. 

But, pray, Sir, what is the press — that mighty foe to tyranny 
and oppression, to be doing while your managers are completing 
their political snares to entangle liberty and bind the common 
people of this country ? 

M. The press, is an article of commerce ; and what are not 
already, directly and indirectly under the control of lawyers, deal- 
ers in foreign productions, and others who are aiding the cause, 
from ignorance or design, may be readily bought, or terrified into 
silence. Many are waiting for a bid. At least, nine tenths of 
the political scribblers are to be bought and sold, like other tools 
or articles of traffic. The highest bidder generally gets them. 
Bonaparte had as many political scribblers as he pleased, to gar- 

3fi 



282 CONVERSATIONS BETWEEN A 

nish over his work and designs. Cobbet wrote against your gov- 
ernment, until he got out with his employers, and then he turned 
his quills against them, and wrote in your javour ;. but now, 
(1819 — 20,) he is shedding his ink in the pure cause of the radi- 
cals — a kind of half way monarchist. 

Political writers, and managers, like lawyers in the pleading 
and management of their client's concerns, often prefer a triumph 
over principle, or truth, justice and reason, as it manifests the 
greater abilities on the part of the victor. By purchasing a num- 
ber of your leading presses, (which would not cost much — if, in 
fact, they are not mainly in the right course already,) most of the 
rest would probably/b/Zo?^ ; and, at least nineteen-twentieths of the 
multitude, are so ignorant, stupid and inattentive, that they might, 
with proper management, be led, even to shackle themselves. An 
artful manager may generally lead the rabble where he pleases, 
although he might not be able to drive one, an inch. 

R. I am sensible that the press is extremely liable to be cor- 
rupted, enslaved, or basely employed ; and that it never is safe 
to put a lengthy dependence or blind confidence, in any man, or 
set of men. But the people of this country are pretty generally 
aware of these facts, already ; and are so much in the habit of 
watching and thinking for themselves, that, with the aid of those 
presses and leading politicians remaining faithful to republican 
principles, there is not, I apprehend, much danger. Some of our 
politicians are in the habit of keeping a sailor's reckoning, and of 
taking an observation, once in a while ; when they cry out, where 
are we now 1 What is our political course and situation ? Is ev- 
ery thing snug, safe, and well conditioned, as respects our pro- 
gress and situation ? The fact is, most of our crew are experien- 
ced political pilots and navigators, of some size or other ; so that, 
if a few knaves and blockheads should get hold of the helm or 
main rigging of state, they would soon be detected and removed. 

M. Your sovereign people, are wonderfully discerning, watch- 
ful, active and resolute, to be sure, to permit their rights to be 
usurped, and their common interests to be trifled with and treated 
with contempt — even their express will, in many instances, has 
been evaded and set at defiance for years, by a few political knaves 



MONARCHIST AND A REPUBLICAN. 283 

and petty tyrants. The fact is, your common people are the game 
and spoil of every political swindler in the country ; who can em- 
ploy the basest and most deceitful means to obtain an election or 
appointment to office — without fear of punishment ; and then, 
when he has succeeded, perhaps reward his secret spies, jugglers 
and undertakers, by appointments to office, under him, and over 
the sovereign people ! by which he sometimes makes himself the 
magic centre of their glory ! and expects them to serve him, in 
preference to the people ! 

If your leading demagogues and a few of their tools and ad- 
herents, are not managing with a hopeful eye to some future event 
that mzyjiz them in power, and bind the common people to their 
will and future policy, why then, in the name of common sense, 
do they not punish and suppress political and other frauds on the 
people ? and especially when it is their official duty to do so ? — 
And why, in particular, do they studiously defer and defeat regu- 
lations that a sincere regard to republicanism, or the common 
good of the people, requires them to perform ? 

The world must be very ignorant and thoughtless, not to have 
noticed the inconsistency of many of your leaders, and govern- 
mental proceedings. 

If your congress or national rulers could not have done justice 
to the poor soldiers and other patriots of your revolution, by the 
payment of the full amount of their just dues, why, in the name 
of common honesty, did they do them enormous injustice, by se- 
curing the amount to others, and thus tax the principal losers, 
and their posterity, to pay the same over again ? 

R. You have reference to what was commonly called the sol- 
dier note, and public securtiy, speculation. — A more infamous 
transaction, perhaps, never took place in this country ; and the 
like of which, I feel confident, could not be again practised. 

The inability of our provisional government, to pay for the mil- 
itary services, stores and other expenses necessary to conduct the 
revolutionary war to a successful close, caused the evidence of 
our public debts to depreciate or fall in worth, until they finally 
settled down at about one-eighth of their original or nominal val- 
ue — at which rate they generally stood current, until some time 



284 CONVERSATIONS BETWEEN A 

after the close of the war ; when a combination, of speculators 
and sharpers, (many of whom were members of congress, and 
otherways in power, or possessed of the secret intentions of con- 
gress,) managed, chiefly by secret agencies, to purchase up and 
get into their possession, or under their control, those claims or 
evidences of public debts, and then made them good ! By which 
means, most of the original owners and losers — and particularly 
those who had been under the necessity of parting with their 
soldier notes and other public sureties, at their depreciated cur- 
rency and reduced worth, to obtain the necessaries of life — they 
and their posterity, were subjected to be taxed— to bear their 
public proportion of making good the amount they had thus been 
deprived of, to this combination of speculators — and so they were 
twice wronged ! 

This was calculated to create the beginning of a monied aris- 
tocracy ; who, with the well born of the country, were chiefly to 
constitute our nobility — to rule over us, for better or for worse ! 
This transaction, was in utter contempt of all principle, or in 
open violation of common justice, and the public good ; and, to 
have raised themselves chiefly upon the ruins of those who con- 
tributed and suffered most in our successful revolt against mon- 
archy, would have recommended them to the rank and favour of 
the legitimates of the old world. 

Soon after the principal advantages of this speculation had 
been secured to its authors, many of the sons of these enriched 
speculators, with those of the well born, went out to Europe to 
witness examples and take samples of legitimate nobility, in order 
to qualify themselves for their expected stations : and when they 
returned, many of them dashed and sported away, upon a prodi- 
gal, profligate and ruinous scale — generally manifesting their con- 
tempt of the common people, and of the rules and good of socie- 
ty, in the true style of legitimate noblemen. However, the virtue 
and good sense of our common people, or their intelligence and 
firmness, sustained this attack, and defeated the designs of aristo- 
cracy and monarchy combined ; and those of this young brood of 
intended noblemen, who have not fallen the miserable victims of 
intemperance, profligacy, and their own folly, dulusion and mad- 



MONARCHIST AND A REPUBLICAN. 285 

ness, have become men of business, and otherwise attached them- 
selves to the prosperity and good of the country. It is a curious 
fact, that many of these well born, considering themselves entitled 
to the honours and emoluments of public office, on account of 
their birth or family connections — finding themselves disappoint- 
ed, complained most bitterly, of their ill usage, as though the will 
of Heaven had been set at defiance, and some even threatened 
terrible things as the consequence ; and then finally sunk down 
into a sullen, sottish mood and habits, and have been sulkily 
mouldering and rotting out, like logs cast upon the sod ! 

M. It has been a subject of serious and loud complaint, (but 
without redress, for those who have got the advantage, like other 
tyrants, hold on, without justice, or reason,) that the representa- 
tion in several of your states, and in other particulars, is extreme- 
ly anti-republican, or unequal in its apportionment. The district- 
ing of your states, has also been long and loudly demanded, by 
the public voice, and by every consideration of justice and re- 
publicanism, that the people may have a chance to know whom 
they vote for, or invest with power to act for them, in the impor- 
tant stations of representatives in congress, presidential electors, 
state senators, and the like offices. Why, too, has there never 
been formed any state, or national, code of law — which every 
man of good common sense and information may understand, and 
use, for his own guide and protection ? 

Ever since the establishment of your independence, this has 
been more or less the case. If your sovereign people don't know 
any bet er, than to permit their rights and interests to be thus tri- 
fled with and made the game and spoil of every political upstart 
or unprincipled adventurer, their prospects are certainly not very 
inviting. 

It don't signify, education is too cheap in this country. It makes 
more fools and knaves than any thing else. Your studies should 
be about twice as extensive as they now are ; and your schools, 
academies and colleges, should be supplied with the most refined 
and choice European authors and publications — which pay a pro- 
per respect to illustrious birth, and noble titles and distinctions, as 



286 CONVERSATIONS BETWEEN A 

well as to men of wealth, learning and exalted piety ; and, by at- 
tending to their rules of education, would ultimately subdue that 
rude and disrespectful mode of expression, which is common in 
this country. 

Your taste for European education, literature, fashions, customs 
and refinements, is, however, progressing encouragingly. 

R. What are the boasted fiddlers, picture-makers, and novel- 
ists, — stage-players, mountebanks and jugglers f — spies, pimps and 
pick-pockets, of large cities, and old over-crowded countries, with 
all their tinsels and toy-shops, and their barren piles of privileged 
spoil — the fruits of a diseased and corrupt taste, designed to pam- 
per the drones and made fools of bloated monarchy, and to feed 
and rule the miserable slaves that creep and cringe at the foot- 
stool of arbitrary power, and to animate and regale the silly and 
corrupt creatures of monarchy, that dance and play round the 
thrones of sovereign chiefs, together with their millions of lousy 
beggars, (noblemen beggars, and all,) and an ignorant, degraded 
and oppressed peasantry, chiefly dwelling in thacthed, mud 
hovels, and subsisting upon the refuse of their own productions— 
the victims of an unjust, corrupt and arbitrary government and 
policy : What, I say, are these to compare with a nation of free- 
men, — the virtuous, enlightened, and independent farmers and 
mechanics of America ; the lords of the harvest and the work-shop, 
dwelling in permanent and commodious houses, of wood, brick or 
stone, situated in the pure open atmosphere, of ten thousand 
country townships and villages, enjoying the fruits of their own la- 
bor, with all the privileges, dignity and independence becoming an 
enlightened and free people, subject to no political master or supe- 
rior under Heaven ! 

As to respect for empty titles, and nominal distinctions of birth, 
blood and fortune, they are too palpably ridiculous and absurd to 
require serious confutation. Away with them, I say, every thing 
but actual merit and substantial usefulness — they are the fruits 
and excrescences of overgrown vice — the fewer of them the better. 

I have no objection to European works of substantial merit and 
usefulness ; but we have already received too much of our educa- 



MONARCHIST AND A REPUBLICAN. 2S7 

tion from the fountains and sinks of monarchy ; and, as to the 
cheapness of education in this country, I consider it one of our 
greatest blessings. The people of this country will always, I hope, 
be such fools as to think and act for themselves. But where 
will you find men of the old world, to compare with our Washing- 
ton, Franklin, Jefferson, Hancock, Patrick Henry, Adamses, 
Sherman, Rittenhouse, Jackson and a host of other benefactors 
and public worthies that could be named, raised up in our re- 
publican habits. 

M. I see you are disposed to soar from your subject, and tri- 
umphantly top off with some of your most distinguished leaders — 
republican worthies, as you would call them. But I believe your 
revolution never would have been attempted, had the leading men 
been seasonably appointed to office, instead of sending men over 
here to rule you ; and even as it was, I believe the chief pari of your 
southern nabobs never would have joined the revolutionary cause, 
as much as they did, had they not utimately intended to rule. 
Among the complaints, stated in your declaration of indepen- 
dence, against the king and government of the mother country, 
is the " sending over swarms of officers, to harrass" your people 
and eat out their substance. This is certainly the most undigni- 
fied language of any part of that famous instrument, and shows, 
pretty clearly, where your leaders felt themselves most bitterly ag- 
grieved. Had theyheen employed to have " harrassed the people" 
and to have " eat out their substance," instead of foreign officers, 
all most probably would have been well, with them, as in other 
cases that might be named. 

R. That there should have been some hypocrites among the 
leaders of our revolution, is not at all surprising. Indeed, we 
are warned, by one of the most conspicuous of them, never to 
expect to find Angels in the form of men. But the world never 
saw nobler minds united in a political undertaking for the gen- 
eral good, than those who planned and achieved our national lib- 
erty and independence. Who, but an idiot, or slave, would not 
have resented the sending over here and placing over us, foreign- 
ers — strangers to our condition and best good — enemies to our 



-288 CONVERSATIONS BETWEEN A 

rights and prosperity — the mere agents and tools of a foreign and 
despotic master 1 

M. You have, indeed, blundered into a degree of civilized lib- 
erty ; but, if your sovereign peop'e are not better informed on 
the subject, than they now appear, you may soon blunder out 
again. 

The principal leaders in your revolution, like others in pursuit 
of that which they could not achieve by force, had recourse to 
stratagem ; and, in order to induce the people to beat off your 
foreign masters, that they, themselves, or their posterity, might 
lord it over you, they talked mighty patriotic, republican and fair, 
to be sure — and some of them proved faithful to their professions ; 
but others, as soon as they saw your national independence estab- 
lished, made known their liking and intentions for dominion over 
the common people. 

You have not yet got church and state policy much blended 
together, in your national government ; but liberty and slavery 
are closely and hypocritically interwoven and connected therein ; 
and which are as bad, or worse, in the natural consequences of 
their connexion. Slavery, is, indeed, a mill-stone, as it were, about 
your neck. 

Is it possible, that a nation or people can long exist in harmony, 
and act together faithfully for the general good, when one part are 
for protecting, honoring and rewarding human industry and mer- 
it, and the other part feel interested and disposed to degrade, 
rob and enslave, the most laborious part of their fellow beings 1 

What, in fact, is your boasted declaration of independence, but 
an empty farce — a solemn and hypocritical mockery ; and what 
does many of your self-styled gasconading republicans, care about 
the words or meaning of that sacred instrument, as you would 
eall it, if they can only rule ? By that instrument, they solemn- 
ly proclaim to Heaven and Earth, that all men are born free, 
and equal — possessing certain unalienable rights — to it, freedom 
and the pursuit of happiness, while they hold a considerable por- 
tion of their fellow creatures in perpetual and ignominious bon- 
dage, and strenuously persist, even to the iminent jeopardy of 



MONARCHIST AND A REPUBLICAN. 289 

your national liberty and independence, in maintaining an unequal 
and unjust advantage, obtained by your constitution, over their 
fellow citizens of other states, in an extra representation on ac- 
count OF THEIR SLAVES ! 

Common justice, and common sense, would require a deduction 
of representation, or federal power and influence, from the slave 
holding states, on account of their public danger, and final inju- 
ry to the best interests of the community. 

R. It will be remembered that slavery, was introduced into this 
country by monarchy ; and since the declaration of our independ- 
ence and the establishment of our republican government, the 
efforts made by our government, aided by individuals, to melio- 
rate the condition of slaves, and finally to abolish slavery from the 
union, has set the world an example of justice and humanity, that 
reflects honor upon the nation, as well as the distinguished indi- 
viduals engaged in promoting the undertaking. 

M. Some of your lovers of liberty, I know, boast of having 
abolished the slave trade — that horrid traffic in human beings : 
That is they have found it more profitable to propagate and raise 
men, women and children for sale as slaves, than to import them, 
from a foreign country ! 

Because you found certain people in slavery, when you com- 
menced your independence and free form of government, you 
seemed to consider it right to keep them so ; and also to con- 
sign their posterity, (without a single fault,) to perpetual and ig- 
nominious bondage ! 

The mighty wisdom and greatness of your Jefferson — where 
was it, in acquiring a territory thrown in your way, as it were, 
by European embarrassments. Where, too, was his boasted phi- 
lanthrophy, or sense of national justice, when he was racking his 
brain to find out appropriations for the overflowings of your na- 
tional treasury, while many of the cheated and war-worn vete- 
rans and patriots of your revolution, or their orphan families, 
were suffering for want of the common necessaries and comforts 
of life. 

JR. Monarchists, I know, will never forgive our good and great 

Jefferson, for the part he has acted in acquiring and extending 

37 



290 CONVERSATIONS BETWEEN A 

our national liberty and independence : But they are welcome to 
console themselves by their petty flirts and insinuations. He is 
quite out of their reach ; and stands, in fact, as much above the 
general character of emperors, kings, or sovereign princes, as 
human virtue and wisdom are more to be esteemed, than igno- 
rance and corruption. 

M. What is your much boasted freedom of election, one half 
the time, but a solemn mockery — an idle and hypocritical ceremo- 
ny — a mere farce, insulting alike to justice and common sense, 
when every body knows that it is generally useless to oppose a 
candidate, once nominated to an office by a few irresponsible lead- 
ers of a ruling party. Might you not just as well acknowledge 
the legitimacy of a caucus nomination, at once, and save your- 
selves the trouble and expense of attending the poles and 
performing the humiliating ceremony of voting ? Bonaparte mount- 
ed to an imperial throne, by a kind of mock election. 

Your president, has, already, nigh or quite as much power and 
influence, as a king usually possesses under a constitutional or 
limited monarchy ; and, although he is not elected for life, and 
the line of succession established in his family, yet he can gene- 
rally manage to retain the office two terms in succession, and 
then nominate or secure the election of his successor. This 
seems prodigious, in a country where the people exercise politi- 
cal sovereignty, and do not profess to believe in the infallibility 
of a single man. It seems also a little queer, that you should 
have created a political monster of such fearful power and conse- 
quences, as to require constant checking and guarding, to pre- 
vent him from trampling on the rights and interests of the com- 
munity. Some of your leading politicians already style your pre- 
sident, chief ruler of the nation. The petitions or prayers of 
your sovereign people to their public servants, is also rated among 
some of the hypocritical and queer transactions of your government 
and rulers. 

What, in fact, is your much boasted national constitution, but 
a leaden rule, or a lump of wax, to be bent to any shape, or to 
sustain any impression or construction, that may happen to suit 
the interest or convenience of a ruling party 1 For example— one 



MONARCHIST AND A REPUBLICAN. 291 

day, a national banking establishment, of ten millions capital, was 
not only denounced as unconstitutional, but as being a huge mon- 
ied institution — an overgrown engine of tyranny and corruption — ■ 
the very " old dagon," that would one day destroy your liberty, 
if permitted to exist. (The capital stock chiefly belonged to for- 
eigners, and to men of the party out of power.) No sooner than 
this monied mammoth was slain and quietly in the dust, than the 
same party who destroyed it, created another of thirty-Jive 
millions of capital — three times and a half bigger than the 
first ! and which they announced as a measure, not only consis- 
tent with the powers delegated to the general government by the 
constitution, but as a very useful and convenient establishment ! 

Your large and overgrowing states, I regard as a kind of polit- 
ical giants, that singly, or combined, most probably will attempt, 
sooner or later, to bully — control, or upset, the union — unless, in- 
deed, there is quite a different spirit manifested than now prevails. 

The sons of Massachusetts and Virginia, claim a kind of birth- 
right, over the sons of the other states, on account of the lead 
those states took in your revolution. They have already both had 
their turns of pouting and raving — manifesting a dissatisfied and 
rebellious spirit, whenever the presidency or chief rule is taken 
from them. Indeed, one excess generally follows another ; and 
those who were the first to revolt against monarchy in this coun- 
try, might be expected to be the first to attempt the overthrow of 
your national union and liberties. 

Your leaders boast of a great deal of patriotism, political wis- 
dom and foresight ; but the truth is, the prosperity of this country, 
hitherto, has been chiefly the result of accidental causes. 

In proportion to your numbers, this country probably has nigh 
or quite as many interested and designing foes to common free- 
dom, justice and humanity, as any other — only they are not yet 
in possession of means to fully accomplish their gratification. 

Many of the roots and branches of monarchy, still remain and 
flourish with you. What else could cause the holding on to so 
many anti-republican measures, habits and customs ? 

R. If you could read the secrets of my mind, you would find, 
that these things are just as foreign from my liking, as they are 



292 CONVERSATIONS BETWEEN A 

injurious to the republican cause. The fact is, since the com- 
mencement of our revolution, the real republicans of America, 
have nad the monarchists and aristocrats of both the old and 
new world to contend with. Besides, it would be unreasonable 
to expect a perfect system of republicanism, to have been immedi- 
ately formed out of the confused materials furnished by the revolu- 
tion, especially under all the troubles and intrigues that succeeded 
that period. It is the work of time, and a great deal of trouble, to 
establish a perfect system of republican rules and habits of life. 

What objection can a virtuous and enlightened man, have to a 
republican government, founded in a system of equal, just and 
reasonable laws, faithfully and judiciously administered ? Are not 
talents and learning sufficiently honored and rewarded, by them,, 
if usefully applied 1 

M. Where is your sense of national justice, honor, or even of 
good policy, in the treatment experienced by many of your most 
virtuous, patriotic and meritorious geniuses ? Their lives have 
been a bed of thorns, and the existence of some have been termi- 
nated by premature death. The ingratitude of republics, is, 
indeed, proverbial. 

R. However truly the charge of ingratitude may have been 
applied to what were anciently called republics ; the character, I 
apprehend, is not fairly due to the people of this country. That 
our ww'srepresentatives, have, in many instances, disgraced our 
republican character, I will not deny ; but when, and where, has 
there been one spontaneous and understanding act of the people 
of the United States, that may be fairly stamped with the charac- 
ter of ingratitude 1 

Men of extraordinary virtue and genius, have always excited 
more or less envy, and cupidity, in every age and country where- 
ever they have existed ; but whenever such characters have been 
the subjects of fraud, vexation and cruelty, in this country, I have 
always found that their principal and leading foes, at least, were 
of that class and character of men, whom you would have us re- 
gard as learned and respectable ; and, although some of the com- 
mon people have been deceived and led on to give aid and assist- 
ance to such conspiracies, yet the design and infamy chiefly rests 



MONARCHIST AND A REPUBLICAN. 293 

with the former. Indeed, I am well persuaded there is not a more 
worthy class of people on the globe, nor more sincere friends of vir- 
tue, justice and human excellence, than a great majority of the 
common people of this country. They feel neither above nor bt low 
a proper sense of human rights — the interests and feelings of their 
fellow beings. 

No wonder the enemies of justice and civil liberty should im- 
pute every thing bad to the character of a republican government, 
that they should endeavor to make mankind afraid of themselves, 
and try to terrify them into the ranks of monarchy, as the only 
place of safety, profit, or honor. Some, who have been perpetu- 
ally drinking from the fountains and common sewers of monarchy, 
have got so impregnated with the disease, that they verily believe, 
no doubt, that monarchies are the real friends and benefactors of 
mankind, sent down from Heaven, as it were, in God's special 
mercy, to protect mankind, against themselves ! But if these 
children of monarchy will only read the Bible, they may find that 
kings were indulged to punish mankind for their vanity and wick- 
edness ; and if they will take the trouble to ascertain their trans- 
actions, truly, they will probably be satisfied that monarchies have 
pretty generally answered the purposes for which they were in- 
dulged. 

Our Divine Saviour and his apostles fully manifested their re- 
publicanism. 

Call no man master. Ye are brethren. He that is chiefest 
among you, the same is your servant. 

Do UNTO OTHERS AS YE WOULD THAT MEN SHOULD DO UNTO 
YOU. 

He that exalteth himself, shall be abased, and whomsoever 
humbleth himself, shall be exalted. 

One thing is pretty certain, that a majority of several millions 
of freemen, can select a better chief, than mere chance ; and that 
the people are more suitable judges of what is good for them- 
selves, than a haughty and overbearing aristocracy, who riot in 
luxury upon the earnings of their fellow-men, and feel few or none 
of the burdens and actual conditions they impose on others. 

It is quite a common artifice, with those who wish to degrade, 



294 CONVERSATIONS BETWEEN A 

or impose on others, to endeavour to draw off our natural excite- 
ments and fellow-feelings, from the objects of their intended in- 
justice or cruelty, by representing them as poor, ignorant, or vile 
creatures — unworthy of common justice and humanity ! perhaps 
just fit to be slaves ! The absurdity and wickedness of such apol- 
ogies, or course of argument, however, cannot well be too severe- 
ly reprehended. 

Are the persons and property of individuals, any where more 
secure, than in this republican country ? 

M. You no doubt, consider yourself as a fortunate and wise 
people, and that you actually possess the most just, rational and 
excellent government in the world. Your local situation and 
natural advantages, are certainly very important. Inhabiting a 
vast continent, possessed, within your own limits, of every variety 
of clime, soil and natural production, necessary for the support, 
convenience, prosperity and happiness of man ; with a territory 
bordered and intersected with vast seas, bays, lakes, rivers, for- 
ests, and other facilities of intercourse ; at a distance from the 
trammels, quarrels, intrigues, and corrupt influence and examples 
of the old world ; with a peculiar opportunity to be benefitted by 
the experience of other nations that have gone before you, by 
wisely adopting their good examples, and rejecting and avoiding 
their bad ones. 

Your system of government, mainly, looks fair and wise, on pa- 
per ; but before I shall become a complete convert to republican- 
ism, I must see it administered or carried into effect, with more 
consistency and wisdom than I now view it, (1819 — 20.) What 
would be thought of it, if I were to say that I considered some of 
the measures of your government, and the conduct of some of 
your men in power, as the most corrupt, of those of any other 
country on the globe — evincing the most hypocrisy and contempt 
of principle — measures and practices, deviating the furtherest 
from what are professedly regarded as the moral and political 
standards of the country, and of the individuals alluded to 1 

Your people are hypocritically mocked with an idea of their 
sovereignty. Suppose all who are properly regarded as freemen — 
from their having come to the age of common manhood, and paid 



MONARCHIST AND A REPUBLICAN. 295 

taxes or otherwise contributed essentially to the maintenance, 
(support and defence) of government, and otherwise conducted 
themselves as good citizens, were to meet in their respective town- 
ships or primary assemblies, throughout a state, after general and 
seasonable notice had been publickly given of the meeting and its 
particular object, and that they should discuss and settle upon 
certain articles as their state constitution, or as amendments 
thereof, by a majority of votes — even by seven-eighths of the 
whole number of freemen, or of the number of townships, in the 
state — would not your aristocratic masters, (who have environed 
themselves about with seeming authority, and trammelled the 
people, by the forms of legislation,) object, and declare the peo-i» 
pie's act a nullity — being void of the customary forms of legisla- 
tion, and without the sanction of certain public authorities ? 

What are your lawyers and priests but privileged orders or pro- 
fessions, claiming the lead and head of almost every thing — that 
they may give an impress and direction peculiarly favorable to 
their own policy and interests ! They are about as watchful and 
tenacious of their sovereignty and control, as the princes and no- 
bles of birth and fortune of the old world. The lawyer is dubbed 
Esquire, and the priest Reverend, These distinctions are allow- 
ed them from dread of their power to do the common people harm — 
and not from any particular merit in merely being a lawyer or priest. 
These distinctions are the relics of monarchy ; and have been so 
long indulged or kept alive in this country, as to have become a 
kind of law, with the vulgar, and exercise a degree of sovereignty 
over them that will be difficult to get rid of. Your common peo- 
ple have been so long in the habit of having lawyers and priests 
lead and drive them, that it would be difficult to raise men of oth- 
er professions to offices or stations of any considerable power and 
influence — however worthy they might be, arid however impor- 
tant for the general concern to have the various offices and pow- 
ers of government distributed among all classes and professions of 
men, and so break up this league of privileged and usurped sove- 
reignty. Men standing upon a common level, as farmers and 
mechanics generally do, dislike the elevation of those they regard 
as no more than their equals, or one of their own profession and 



296 CONVERSATIONS BETWEEN A 

standing. Such attempts often excite envy and opposition, rath- 
er than their approbation and support. The lawyers know how 
to take advantage of these prejudices and ill calculations — to cul- 
tivate and keep them alive, in order to maintain their own eleva- 
tion and control of power. This they do, although they are evi- 
dently hated, by the common people, who dread their power, poli- 
cy and conduct. In fact, your lawyers maintain their control of 
power, by prejudice, stratagem and force — pretty much as the 
sovereign princes and nobles of the old world, do theirs. 

R. Our college learnt men, like the princes and nobles of birth 
and fortune, of the old world, have been so much indulged, and 
so long in the habit of puffing and boosting each other ; and of 
unrighteously degrading and keeping down others, that we have 
been greatly deceived as to the real worth and character of col- 
lege learnt men, and of college learning generally. However, 
our people are coming to their senses on this subject ; and I trust 
that good and practical men, of all classes and professions, will 
soon be properly educated and instructed, and duly invested with 
our public concerns ; and that the number of public servants 
from each class or profession of men, will be proportioned in some 
measure to the whole number of the same ; so that every consid- 
erable class or profession of men shall be duly represented and 
respected, according to their real merits and importance in the 
community. Nothing else can long maintain the justice and 
equality necessary to the preservation of our rights and liberties. 

M. It is now nigh half a century since you revolted from mo- 
narchy, and have been acting for yourselves as a free, sovereign, 
independent, and professedly, a republican nation ; and yet you 
seem about as far from actual justice and equality, in much of 
your public policy and conduct, as if the matter never had seri- 
ously entered into calculation. 

The establishment, progress and improvement, of common 
schools, for the due education and instruction of the people — » 
matters acknowledged to be of vital necessity and importance to 
the existence and well being of a republican community, with a 
few honourable exceptions, have not only been neglected, but of- 
ten embarrassed, and some times strenuously opposed — While the 



MONARCHIST AND A REPUBLICAN. 297 

most extraordinary exertions have been making for the promo- 
tion of extra learning ! the aristocratic education of t\iefew, and. 
in a measure, at the expense of the many ! 

You lavish honors and rewards, upon a few fortunate military 
chiefs, and abandon the rest, (mainly the rank and file, who actu- 
ally bear the principal burden, hardships and hazards of warfare,) 
to the picks and kicks of privileged and unprincipled sharpers ! 

Your late revolution or general pension act, bestowing an al- 
most indiscriminate bounty, as it were, on the fortunate survivors 
of those who bore arms and performed nominal services, or did a 
common duty, without experiencing any considerable injury in 
the service, with those who rendered important services, and ex- 
perienced great loss or personal sacrifices ; and finally subjecting 
the latter class, with other sufferers, and their posterity, to be 
taxed and burdened to defray the bounty thus unjustly and absurd- 
ly bestowed upon those — many of whom are lazy, improvident, 
tippling, worthless characters — encouraging others to become so, 
for the sake of obtaining the public bounty thus offered for indolence 
and improvidence! Was it too nice, or too laborious a task, for your 
national government to distinguish actual merit in this case 1 and 
the natural consequences ? Or did they intend to insult, wound, 
confound, oppress and discourage true merit? And all this, too, 
as if there were no other sufferers in your revolutionary contest, 
but those who bore arms ! 

Your hardy, enterprising and brave seamen, who have added 
so much to the wealth, defence and glory of this nation, are left a 
prey to the vilest sharpers ! 

Like aristocrats, your rulers take care of the big folks, and 
leave the little ones to destruction ! They also punish the little 
rogues, and let the big ones go ! 

It is really curious to hear the disinterested and patriotic pre- 
tensions of some of your leading hypocrites and jugglers. 

An unusual share of impudence and hypocrisy seems to be the 

leading traits of some of your aspiring and thrifty leaders and 

drivers ; who push themselves forward, and often with about as 

little regard to the actual good of the people, as the wolves and 

vultures have for their prey. 

38 



298 CONVERSATIONS BETWEEN A 

What will be the end of your vain love of titles, pomp and 
power ? 

A leaning towards confirmed aristocracy, is conspicuous in the 
bearing of many of your public and private transactions, charac- 
ters, and habits of life. Indeed, the little knaves and tyrants of 
this country, are just about as hostile to the genuine freedom of 
speech, and of the press, as the big ones of the old world, — lest 
it should expose their true policy and conduct ! 

Some of your public servants, as you call them, in order to 
screen themselves from detection, and punishment, softly, caution 
against exposing, or publicly acknowledging, the infidelity and 
baseness of public officers, lest it should go abroad to the re- 
proach of your country, and form of government ! Something 
like the artifice of a female, of nameless character, who was 
about being examined for commitment, on a base charge, when 
she slighly whispered to the magistrate and lawyers, that it would 
be a general disgrace to the female character to have her exposed. 
Better, she said, that ten such offences should escape punishment, 
than that one female should be convicted and punished ! 

Is there no danger to be apprehended to your republican cause, 
by the printing craft 1 Will printers publish any thing against 
their own professional policy and conduct 1 Will not printers 
generally study to promote a complicated, obscure and frivolous 
course of reading, for the sake of increasing their own business 
and gains ? 

R. Republican printers, study to serve the people — not ruin and 
ride them. If the people of this country are only thoughtful and 
attentive to this subject, they will encourage and support such 
printers, and such publications, as faithfully promote the common 
good, and neglect and discourage all other printers and publica- 
tions ; and thus, the most effectually, and easily, promote their 
own general and best good. 

M. Will your public servants, as you call them, act faithfully 
for the best good of the people, when their own personal and pri- 
vate interests are otherways inclined ? The individuals, who com- 
pose your national and state legislatures, are one, to half a mill- 
ion, one hundred thousand, five thousand, &c., of your commoa 



MONARCHIST AND A REPUBLICAN. 299 

people, generally differing widely from their constituents, in then- 
circumstances, interests and feelings. How then can they be re- 
lied upon to promote the best common good 1 

Who can reflect on the absurd customs of some of your public 
authorities, without astonishment — for instance, the judges of 
some of your courts, wearing pelisses, or setting in the robes of 
office, like monarchists, or looking perhaps more like so many 
old monks and friars, than republican magistrates ! and the mock 
majesty of some of your governours and chief executive authori- 
ties, parading with their military guards, as if they actually held 
their power in contempt of the people ! 

What encouragement, or protection, does the government of this 
country actually hold out to men of the first rate genius, talents 
and information, to devote themselves to the promotion of the best 
good of the people ? 

It seems to me, that many of your public leaders, have no po- 
litical principles at all, or that they do not know what is republi- 
canism. 

Almost every historical account of your country and govern- 
ment, dwell upon the blessed security of persons and property ; 
professedly enjoyed under your national and state constitutions, 
bills of right, statute and other laws ; but I should really like to 
know what mighty security there could long be expected to the 
common people, in laws and regulations that chiefly depend on the 
interpretation and will of one distinct profession of men for their 
meaning and use 1 Might you not as well leave it to the lawyers, 
at once, to say what your rights and privileges were, and what was 
final justice, in most cases of personal difference, and other mat- 
ters of legal investigation and adjustment ? Like causes produce 
like effects. Give any distinct order, class or profession of men, 
the chief power of governing a country, and they will soon assume 
a haughty, corrupt and overbearing influence and fixed policy. 

For my soul, I cannot help thinking that the lawyers are chiefly 
your masters, and some how rule the country, against the under- 
standing and free will or choice of the people. Probably through 
their control of the press — ruling appointments to office, and be- 



300 CONVERSATIONS BETWEEN A 

ing as it were, masters of law — by which the tenor of every man & 
life and fortune, is mainly held. 

This country, or rather certain places in it, has probably got 
more feasting, toasting, addressing, resolving and puffing politi- 
cians, than all the world besides. But, if they don't feast, toast, 
and puff, or juggle you out of your senses — your virtue, liberties 
and best good, it will be fortunate for your common people, in the 
end. 

When your lawyers find the people determined to take the actu- 
al sovereignty and power of the country into their own hands, will 
they not closely league with the worst men in society, to hold you 
to their will and purposes ? 

i?. Our most unprincipled lawyers seem to have been long in 
the habit of doing so, already. 

Mr Notwithstanding all your boasting about common rights 
and liberties, I do not believe there is an actual free press, upon 
a rational and candid construction, in the whole United States — 
not one that dare publish, substantially and manfully, even the 
most important matter that concerns the people. This is a melan- 
choly state of affairs, for what some have styled the worlds last, 
best hope ; but I believe it to be substantially true. Your courts 
still chiefly go by the rules laid down by monarchy, in such cases, 
when ever it best suits their purposes ; and most of your learned 
and ablest men, seem to coalesce, or combine their power and in- 
fluence to entangle liberty — to intimidate, terrify and keep down 
every thing that has a tendency to expose and defeat their policy 
and conduct. Your laws do not efficiently protect a manly free- 
dom of speech, and of the press ; and which is indispensably ne- 
cessary to the support and preservation of genuine republicanism. 

It does, indeed, appear to me, that many of your leading men, 
and ruling measures, have a studied and determined bearing to- 
wards a complex and arbitrary system of government. What else 
can be the object, in many instances, in keeping off genuine and 
necessary republican regulations ? and in making a mighty blus- 
ter and parade about elections — sometimes causing numerous and 
unnecessary extra meetings of electors, under pretext of ascer- 
taining, beforehand, and of managing their choice of men for of- 



MONARCHIST AND A REPUBLICAN. 301 

fice ? and in embarrassing the mode and operation of voting, and 
finally making a choice — unless it is to render the exercise of 
your rights and duties as freemen, unnecessarily tedious, difficult, 
expensive, and in a measure, ineffectual in the end — and finally to 
make you tired and sick of elections, that you may neglect your 
duty and attendance at the polls, and thereby leave every thing 
pretty much to the management of a few leading and driving 
characters ; and finally be induced to give up your liberty to who- 
ever may offer to take the reins ! 

I am really a friend to justice and rational liberty, and most 
sincerely desire to see them prosper. In fact, no virtuous and en- 
lightened mind can truly deny the perfect right of self govern- 
ment. Therefore, only demonstrate the practicability of a peo- 
ple judiciously governing themselves, and you disarm the advo- 
cates of monarchy of their only plausible argument. 

R. Our rights and privileges, have certainly been too much 
and too long at the will and control of lawyers, and their confed- 
erates in power and policy ; but I have the satisfaction to believe 
that the virtue and good sense of the people are fast correcting this 
evil : so that we may soon expect to have measures provided, that 
will enable every man of good common sense and information, to 
understand and use the laws, for their own guide and preserva- 
tion, without the interpretation, aid or consent of lawyers. 

The late change in the politics of this country, was generally 
considered as adverse to the arbitrary and crooked policy of law- 
yers ; many of whom, after they saw themselves defeated in their 
favourite course, professed to turn round, and embrace the popular 
cause, with a view to lead the people into the same final condi- 
tion, which they had, in vain, been endeavouring to force them 
into. 

When one of this power loving profession or fraternity of gen- 
try was changing the tone of his political harp to accord with the 
party in power, a plain spoken discerning old farmer remarked, 
that he would never be able to tune himself into his confidence. 

Since the declaration of independence, the people of this coun- 
try have had so much of their time and attention engaged, by our 
revolutionary, and late war ; the revolutions and wars of other 



302 POLITICAL REFLECTIONS, No. 1. 

countries ; the long violent party struggles among ourselves ; sev- 
eral extensive speculating manias, which have agitated and be- 
wildered our country at different times, with the severe pecuniary 
embarrassments that resulted from them, and the late general 
peace — by letting down many from their false elevations to a real 
standing ; together with the political juggling carried on by many 
for offices, contracts and favors ; that there never has been such a 
general political calm, and leisure, as now exists, (1819 — 20,) for 
attending to national designs and improvements. Besides, the 
moral, political and philosophical light which has been constantly 
opening to our view, by the "march of mind" at home and 
abroad, furnishes new and peculiar aids to the present opportuni- 
ties for correcting and improving our national and state measures 
and policies, and ultimately establishing a just, wise and consist- 
ent system of republican rules and habits of life. 



Political Refections, No. 1. 

In -some of our political changes, the honor of a freeman or re- 
publican elec or, has been degraded, by cheapening the required 
qualifications and extending the privilege to unworthy characters. 
There certainly ought to be something more, than merely for a 
person to arrive at the age of common manhood, in order to ac- 
quire the important and responsible privilege of a republican elec- 
tor — the enjoyment of an equal and full participation in the exer- 
cise of national sovereignty — directly and indirectly selecting, 
directting and controling, all the civil and military officers, agen- 
cies and operations of government, including the raising of the 
public revenue, and the safe keeping and disposal of the public 
funds and other property. 

Those who do not support government, efficiently, by the 
prompt payment of their honest taxes, and the cheerful perform- 
ance of their military duties, should not be permitted to vote and 
direct government. 

It is unjust — dangerous — inyulting and highly discouraging to 



POLITICAL REFLECTIONS, NO. 1. 303 

the best impulse and interests of republicanism, to permit pau- 
pers, cowards, vagrants and miscreants, to a full participation in 
the exercise of national authority — and on equal terms, too, with 
the best men in the community. 

Districting, for the choice of representatives in congress, 
presidential electors, state senators, and the like officers, is a very 
important and highly consistent republican regulation ; as it unites 
superior intelligence, and responsibility. 

When subject to the election of a single district, the candidate, 
would not only be better known to his electors, than if he were to 
be chosen by a general ticket of the whole state ; but he would be 
far more likely to prove a true representative, of the general prin- 
ciples and interesting concerns of his constituents. 

We can judge something, ourselves, of the character, qualifica- 
tions and fitness for office, of a candidate, when within our own 
immediate vicinity or district ; but when he resides in a different 
section or part of the state, electors are mostly left to make up 
their opinions from hearsay, or other people's representations. 
Besides, the person elected by strangers, or people at a distance, 
is just so far removed from a direct responsibility to his constitu- 
ents. 

But there is a far more important concern attending the district- 
ing of the states. It is truly a republican measure, founded in the 
clearest justice, and wisdom. 

It affords a minor party a chance to be represented in the pub- 
lic councils — as every efficient member of the community ought 
to be, as a matter of the strictest right ; and the exertions of a 
virtuous and active minority, are necessary to the preservation 
of human rights and liberties. 

A ruling party, however moderate and well disposed, on their 
first coming into power, after quiet possession for a while, are ex- 
tremely apt to forget the source and responsibility of their author- 
ity, and neglect their official duties. It is, therefore, indispensa- 
ble to the preservation of real civilized rights and human liberty, 
to have a ruling party watched and guarded, and their political 
measures and transactions duly investigated and made public, 
through the vigilance and exertions of a minor party. 



304 POLITICAL REFLECTIONS, NO. 1. 

Five-ninths of the people of a state, being of one political party, 
by a choice made by their legislative assembly, or by a general 
ticket throughout the state, could totally exclude the four-ninths 
from any representation in congress, state senate, and in the choice 
of presidential electors — although the people who compose the 
four-ninths of the population of the state, and are thus excluded 
from any representation or voice in the public councils, may be 
equally as efficient members of the community, in the public pro- 
tection and support, in proportion to their numbers, as those who 
compose the five-ninths. This is manifestly unjust, and highly 
dangerous for the community. There is no maxim more correct 
and sacred, in my republican creed, than that the minority should 
always be heard, and fairly and courteously treated. 

By properly districting the states, a minor party would always 
have a chance to be represented, in some of the districts, and 
thereby encouraged to keep up their vigilance and exertions for 
the detection and exposure of the overbearing influence and cor- 
rupt designs of party leaders in power. Virtuous minorities 
should therefore always be encouraged, as healthy for the body 
politic. 

By neglecting to district, party leaders have maintained one of 
their apologies for caucus nominations ; and which is, that it 
would be impossible for the electors, in general, to form a correct 
judgment in the selection and choice of all their representatives 
in congress, state senators, presidential electors, and like officers, 
throughout a whole state : And, therefore, the men must be 
picked out and marked, before hand, by a few knowing ones, for 
the freemen to choose ! 

In case of the death, or resignation of a representative in con- 
gress, state senator, presidential elector, or the like officer, if a 
state was properly districted, his place might be supplied by the 
votes of his district, only, and without any further trouble or de- 
lay — martialing a caucus to tell the freemen who to choose, and 
calling out the electors of a whole state to make the choice, or 
rather to confirm the nomination. 

If the states were properly districted, and the merits of the dif- 
ferent candidates that might offer themselves, or be. otherwise no- 



POLITICAL REFLECTIONS, NO. I. 305 

iiced for election, were properly discussed and explained to the 
public, there is no doubt but the virtue and good sense of the 
freemen, generally, would enable them to make the best selections. 
And, certainly, as the people have to bear the consequences, of 
good or bad public servants, they should be left free and unbridled 
in the selection and choice thereof. 

Every person entitled to vote at an election, should be allowed 
to send in their ballots, when inconvenient to attend the polls in 
person — as if they were proprietors in any general concern. Such 
a regulation would be both just and wise ; for it is hard, and in a 
measure injurious to the public concern, that a good and efficient, 
member of the community — one who was equally concerned in 
the measures of government, and entitled to a vote in the selec- 
tion of public servants, should, unnecessarily be deprived of his 
right, when ill health, absence from town, or any inconvenience 
prevented his personal attendance at the polls, merely to present 
his written ballot ; and particularly when no unusual trouble or 
hazard would be encountered by his sending the same. 

I cannot perceive any more impropriety in a man's offering 
himself as a candidate, for an office, elective by the people, than 
for one to seek an appointment by an executive officer, or through 
any other agency of government. 

The electors are under no obligation to choose a man, because 
he has offered his services ; and perhaps given them a specimen 
of his principles, qualifications, and views on interesting and 
leading subjects. But the public would certainly be much less 
liable to be deceived, by such a candidate, than one who was si- 
lent — who had neither explained, nor pledged any thing, and 
when elected, would perhaps feel indifferent, or prove an unsuita- 
ble or unfaithful representative of the interests and feelings of 
his constituents. Experience has indeed proved how often we 
have been misrepresented and disappointed, when it was too late 
to correct the mistake. 

There is, I know, a little crooked policy, cultivated by some of 
the craft who make a profession of advocating or representing 
others, by which they would endeavour to have it considered as 
ostentatious or otherways disgraceful, for an individual to say any 

39 



30& POLITICAL REFLECTIONS, No. !. 

thing in favor of himself; but that, whatever a second person 
might say of him, however mercenary his views, would be void of 
selfish or dishonourable reflections. Just as if the truth lost any 
of its attributes or good qualities by coming direct from the foun- 
tain head ! or that the real merits of an individual were diminish- 
ed, by his being able to vindicate or explain himself ! (This 
same little craft or policy is pursued, in some instances, in regard 
to a person's serving himself, in other capacities, besides that of a 
spokesman or advocate.) 

We are frequently called upon to elect to offices of considerable 
trust and importance, men of whom the public in general know 
little or nothing concerning their character, qualifications, and 
general circumstances. 

A prudent man would hesitate to employ, or entrust as a day 
laborer upon his farm, a man, without knowing more of him than 
we frequently do of many who are entrusted with some of our 
dearest political concerns. 

When we have all the men, as it were, of the whole district, 
state, or nation, as the case may be, to select public servants from- 
men of the best characters, qualifications and dispositions to pro- 
mote the public good, should be employed. 

Desperate characters, and those destitute of principle, property, 
or responsibility, are generally the most eager to obtain public 
office or employ, that they may embezzle a fortune, or increase 
their wealth out of the public property, by dishonest management ; 
and especially when examples of success seem to encourage and 
justify their desires and expectations. Such cases are certainly 
alarming to the public concern, when, and wherever they exist, 
and require constant watchfulness. 

There are other seekers after public office or employ, who, 
from ignorance, indolence, carelessness, or a lack of real qualifi- 
cations and habits of business, should be cautiously avoided, as 
they generally prove worse than a dead weight to the public con- 
cern. 

Public servants are far more likely to violate the proper duties 
of their stations, from carelessness, and design, than from a lack 



POLITICAL REFLECTIONS, No. I. 307 

of sufficient talents and information to know and perform their 
duties. 

Any man, of common prudence and discernment, would natu- 
rally dismiss from his further confidence and employ, a person 
who should wilfully neglect to give him seasonable and proper in- 
formation of the trespasses of others on his property, and of the 
treacherous or unfaithful conduct of those in his confidence or 
employ — more especially those who should openly attempt to pal- 
liate such misconduct, or secretly connive at the perpetration and 
escape of offenders. And certainly the public good requires that 
our government concerns should be managed, with at least as 
much wisdom and prudence, as an ordinary individuals. 

A proper distribution of the offices and agencies of govern- 
ment, is one of the most important and unquestionable republican 
rules, that has ever been established. 

I can hardly help viewing a man, invested with a number of 
different offices and agencies, as a kind of political monster, 
with an unusual number of heads, legs, a,nd fangs, to annoy and 
devour mankind with, as his appetite and opportunities may urge 
him and favour his indulgence. 

There is perhaps no republican rule or regulation, in proportion 
to its apparent importance, of more vital necessity to the perpet- 
uity and well being of a republican community, than a rigid ad- 
herence to a rotation in office. 

Men, long in the exercise of public authority, however republi- 
can and well disposed they may have been on their first appoint- 
ment, are extremely liable to forget their accountability and em- 
ployers interest, and think only of their own ease, riches, and ag- 
grandizement. 

By removing public officers and agents, once in a while, not 
only reminds them of their dependence and accountability, but 
generally brings their conduct to the test of inspection ; and final- 
ly interrupts, breaks off and defeats the corrupt intrigues, and 
systems of favouriteism, that long established power often gene- 
rates and indulges. 

It frequently happens, that, after obtaining an election or ap- 
pointment to office, men cease their public inquiries, and are 



308 POLITICAL REFLECTIONS, JNo. I. 

soon left greatly in rear of the progress of political information 
and public improvement. They seem to have no further regard 
for truth, or the public good — nothing but their own private ends. 
Having ascended to their favorite station, they carefully endeav- 
our to haul up, or secure the ladder of their political elevation, for 
fear others might attempt to ascend and disturb their possession. 
Some times they actually put one in mind of a greedy old sow, 
who, after obtaining permission, by long grunting and squeak- 
ing, to put her head into the pail and take one mouthful, eagerly 
attempts to swallow her Jill, or upset the whole ! 

The faithful discharge of public services, should be consid- 
ered honourable, and in proportion to the general magnitude of 
the trust, and of the abilities and fidelity displayed in the per- 
formance — and not in the mere possession of an office. 

Public servants should not be sinecures or pensioners, and 
paid for what their services do not in fact merit. 

Nothing can be more manifestly unjust and absurd, than to 
render public service more lucrative than private employment, as 
it pays away the public money unnecessarily, and excites intrigue 
and political juggling to obtain public office and employ. 

If those in the public employ, were not allowed, directly nor 
indirectly, to receive more value than their services were actually 
worth, we should soon cease to be troubled with the tricks and in- 
trigues that are now often resorted to for the obtainment of pub- 
lie office or employ. There would be no extra gains in prospect 
to justify the expensive juggling or management for an office, con- 
tract or agency. 

Monarchs, and those in the exercise of considerable power, 
held in contempt of the people, are generally obliged to pension 
those whom they employ, or entrust with considerable power or 
secrets of government, both while in, and out of their employ, in 
order to bribe them to the secrets of their masters policy and 
conduct. 

This is one of the most precious charms that monarchy holds 
out to the little hankerers after power and perquisite ; and is the 
chief reason why office seekers generally prefer monarchy to a re- 
publican government. Monarchy also requires a greater number 



POLITICAL REFLECTIONS, No. 2. 309 

of lucrative agencies and employments, than a republic. But, 
the people, have to sweat and groan for these numerous public 
employments, high salaries, and pensions. It is this policy that 
oppresses and degrades the honest labour of the old world. 



Political Reflections, No. 2. 

Oaths, to the officers and agents of government, are of little 
use or necessity, where there is no secret and discretionary per- 
formances or exercise of power. Pecuniary bonds are most prop- 
erly relied upon, in such cases. 

Oaths to legislative, judicial, and executive officers, and those 
required of lawyers, on being admitted to practice, should define, 
explicitly, and extensively, the general course of conduct proper 
for each of them to pursue — and always should be written, and 
subscribed, and filed on public records : so that they might be en- 
forced, something in the nature of a contract, when violated to the 
injury of any one, and the offenders subjected to damages and 
other suitable punishment. 

There ought, if possible, to be a standard provided for regula- 
ting the compensation, of those who make, and administer the 
laws, by which they should be made to feel the burdens and 
distresses occasioned by a change of times, as well as other peo- 
ple. 

In the present extremely depressed price of property, (1819 — 
20,) the officers and agents of our states and general govern- 
ment, who have certain and fixed salaries and rates of compensa- 
tion, are generally the gainers by every thing that operates as an 
oppression upon the community ; and are therefore rather inter- 
ested and inclined to create and prolong public embarrassment 
and distress, than in promptly devising and executing measures 
for our relief, and for preventing like unhappy occurrences in fu- 
ture — more especially if they are lawyers, and sharpers, who 
thrive in their individual professions, and speculative concerns. 



310 POLITICAL REFLECTIONS, No. 2. 

on the pecuniary embarrassments and distresses of their fellow 
men. / 

Legislatures should consider themselves bound to consult and 
adopt measures best calculated to promote the general interest 
and welfare of the whole nation, state, or other community, with- 
in their special care. In this way, every good and wholesome 
trade, profession, and interest, may be duly fostered, and the 
whole preserved and prospered. A member who cannot elevate 
or expand his mind beyond the local prejudices and limited inter- 
ests of a few individuals, is not fit to legislate or act for the gene- 
ral concern. 

Legislators usually acquire a considerable part, or most of 
their information on subjects of legislative investigation, by en- 
quiries and discussions carried on among themselves and others, 
out of the house, and hours of session ; so that members who are not 
qualified or disposed to take an active part in public debating — 
regular speech making, often do more to promote, correct an effi- 
cient legislation, than a number of more blustering and noisy 
members. Besides, what is done out of the house and usual 
hours of session, is generally a saving to the public concern ; 
while long winded and quibbling members, (political bullies, 
blackguards and jugglers,) often perplex, embarrass and detain the 
proceedings of legislative assemblies, or some how finally defeat 
the correct and effectual objects of legislation — to the great ex- 
pense and injury of the community at large. Such characters 
should certainly be marked, and cautiously avoided in future — as 
we shun poisonous drugs and other dilaterious articles. One good 
thinker, and voter, is generally worth a dozen quibbling and 
noisy legislators. 

In discussing subjects before a legislative body, the members 
ought to be permitted to write down their remarks in full, and 
read them, or have them read by a clerk of the house, or some 
other person. 

This practice, would enable members to refine and abridge their 
ideas, on subjects before them ; and at the same time accommo- 
date those who were not professionally or otherwise in the habit of 
public speaking. 



POLITICAL REFLECTIONS, No. 2. 311 

The reported speeches of our legislators, are generally defec- 
tive, partial, and calculated to deceive the public in regard to the 
conduct of their own immediate representatives. In the first 
place, the speeches and other legislative proceedings, are only a 
part taken down, and but a small number of those are ever pub- 
lished entire. Such, for instance, as are generally calculated to 
give the best and worst view of different men, and different mea- 
sures. 

In many, if not in most of the speeches published, the matter 
sketched down by the reporters, undergoes a review and final im- 
provement, by their authors, or others. Many are abridged, and 
such matter or parts as are not calculated to appear well, or to set 
off their reputed authors to the best advantage, before their con- 
stituents and the public, are generally suppressed, as a matter of 
favour, by the reporters or publishers. 

Some of our highest public officers, have a dangerous power 
and influence in community, from the great, and continually in- 
creasing numbers that depend on them for office and employment. 

For instance, the president of the United States — the immense 
number that already depend on his will and favor for their stations 
and support ! 

We have perhaps been fortunate, in the selection and choice of 
•ur presidents ; but suppose some unprincipled and daring char- 
acter in full possession of that important office — what political 
purpose could he not accomplish, by his immense power and pat- 
ronage, and especially if favoured in his designs, by secret opera- 
tions of internal and foreign foes to our liberty and independence ! 

Suppose the holy alliance, in their endeavours to check the 
progress and examples of revolutions in favour of popular govern- 
ment — if they should move the secret springs of action and set the 
machine in motion, who could stop it, or tell where it would end, 
as the power is now vested ? 

The president has the chief command of the purse and the 
sword of the nation — being commander in chief of the army, and 
navy, and having the supreme executive authority of the union, 
chiefly concentrated in his single person. He can, in a great 
measure, controul, directly and indirectly, the selection, appoint- 



312 POLITICAL REFLECTIONS, No. 2. 

ment, and continuance in the public service, of most of the mili- 
tary and civil executive officers and agents under the general gov- 
ernment, and direct their operations ; he can pardon (like the 
pope,) criminal and other offenders, and remit pecuniary penal- 
ties, and other forfeitures, after a full conviction, and thereby, in 
a degree, paralyze the laws of our national government. 

These things, all taken together, seem prodigious, for a com- 
munity of republicans, who do not profess to believe in the infal- 
libility of a single individual ; more especially when it is consid- 
ered that there is no necessity for continuing the practice, what- 
ever the national good might formerly have required. 

The chief fortune and fate of a nation, is certainly too impor- 
tant a concern to be entrusted to a single individual, as chief of 
all the principal active authorities. 

A supreme executive council, composed of jive persons, one 
from each of five great national districts, to be chosen by the free- 
men or electors thereof, for Jive years, so arranged in the begin- 
ning, that one should go out, and a new one come into the coun- 
cil, every succeeding year ; the oldest member, for his fifth and 
last year, to be president of the council. 

Such a council, to be substituted in the room of our president 
and vice president, would mainly obviate the dangers and imper- 
fections of our supreme head. 

It would be uniting, as it were in our supreme executive na- 
tional head, the knowledge and capacities of five equal persons, 
practically acquainted with the different sections and concerns of 
our country, all chosen by, and responsible to the people ; and 
thereby guarding against the inabilities, partialities and casualties 
that appertain to a single chief. 

It would also create far greater responsibility in supreme exec- 
utive officers, by bringing their election nigher home to their im- 
mediate constituents. 

In ease of the death or inability of our president, as the case 
now stands, it would generally require some time for the vice 
president to repair to the seat of national government and col- 
lect the reins faithfully into his hands. 

Let the senate choose their presiding officer from among them- 
selves. 



POLITICAL REFLECTIONS, NO. I. 313 

Such a regulation, would check the wasteful, vexatious and 
corrupt intrigue and juggling, that is sometimes carried on dur- 
ing an electioneering campaign for a president ; and ultimately df 
away many pernicious local prejudices and partialities. It would 
also give every considerable section of the nation their Tegular 
turn in furnishing a president or chief executive magistrate of the 
federal union ; and save congress from their disgraceful squabbles 
about favorite chiefs. 

The revolution furnished us more tried and prominent Charac- 
ters to select a chief from, than we have now, or perhaps ever 
shall have again ; and yet the duties and responsibilities of the 
office of our president are daily increasing, by our extension of 
territory, and increase of numbers, and still more by new branches 
and business, constantly undertaking by the general government. 

As the case now is, the president has an almost resistless power 
and influence, in securing his own re-election, and in tho selec- 
tion and final choice of his successor. 

A single executive chief, can also indulge his private and local 
prejudices and partialities, in the selection and control of the offi- 
cers and agencies of the general government, to the ultimate det- 
riment of one section or part of the union, and for the benefit of 
another. 

It is indeed extremely difficult to acquire sufficient knowledge 
and experience, for the transaction of the affairs of the general 
government, of a high political character, without the patronage 
of the president. He is, for a time, in a measure, the political 
sovereign of our chief national executive concerns. 

The president of the supreme executive council, should, of 
course, devote his attention to the duties of chief magistrate 
of the union ; but the other four of the council, might appropriate 
a part of their time to a kind of general superintendence of the 
four highest or most important departments ; beginning with the 
lowest or least important, and progressively shifting, each year, 
until they come to the highest, the fourth year of their executive 
term. This would afford them peculiar and important advanta- 
ges in acquiring a correct and extensive knowledge of our chid" 

m 



314 THE POLICY OF SATAN. 

national concerns, and add to their qualfications for presiding 
their fifth and last year. 



The policy of Satan, 

Papists, or the chief leaders of the church of Rome, derived 
their principal craft from the arts practised by satan on our first 
parents. The fallen angel, who had been cast out of Paradise 
for his unprincipled conduct, was wandering about the world, 
miserable and discontented, when he discovered the felicity and 
contentment enjoyed by the happy pair in Eden, which stung him 
to the quick — to see others enjoying that happiness which he had 
forfeited and lost ! and finally induced him to attempt their annoy- 
ance. After studying the objects of his envy and evil designs r 
he at length approached the weakest, with all the subtlety and 
pleasing cunning he could possibly assume, for the moment. He 
told young Eve, among other flattering things, how divinely hand- 
some she was ; — said she ought to rule her husband ; but as she 
had not the bodily strength to do it by main force, she must en- 
deavour to accomplish her purposes by artful management — get 
the lead, by studied smiles, flattering words, and other little arti- 
fices and cunning. This, " the evil one" probably foresaw, would 
cause a contention among the human race, and ultimately prevent 
much happiness. 

The most crafty of the papal leaders, or priests of the church 
of Rome, undertook to improve this art to their purposes, for rul- 
ing the strong by the use of the weak. They generally study to 
select the handsomest young men for priests, and require them to 
live single, in order to facilitate their intrigues with women.* 

*When the Spanish inquisition was overturned a few years ago, and 
its books were seized upon and submitted to inspection, it was found that 
in the small province of Murica, one of the least extensive and popu- 
lous in Spain, the provincial tribunal of the inquisition had actually insti- 
tuted no less than seven thousand prosecutions against priests for attempt- 
ing 1 the seduction of their female penitents. — Miles' Register. 



BRIEF GENERAL REMARKS, &c, 315 

And, by the use of women, children and other weak persons in 
society, they have contrived and managed to exercise the most 
horrid despotism over a considerable part of the human family. 

The priests of the holy inquisition, and those of their craft or 
policy generally — in addition to the use they make of bankrupts 
and people of desperate fortunes an 1 ! characters, employ, as their 
privileged spies, wives on their husbands, children on their parents, 
and servants and domestics generally, on their masters or em- 
ployers ; to observe their conversation and conduct, and endeav- 
our to ascertain their thoughts, and especially their private opin- 
ions of the ruling clergy, and their works and designs, and to 
report the same to them, secretly, at their confessions — to enable 
them to execute their will and purposes, and, as much as possible, 

tO RULE IN SECRET I 



Brief general remarks on a variety of subjects. 

The art of reasoning, from correct principles, is one of the 
greatest sciences of human acquirement ; and is the key to all 
other arts. 

It is not a great deal we want, to enable us to encompass all 
the real goods and happiness, that we are well capable of enjoying, 
or that this world is able to bestow, if we only reason correctly. 



The man who desires a great deal more than he can reasona- 
bly possess, is always distressed with want, however much he may 
have. 



The ascent of ambition, is like climbing a pole — the higher we 
go, the more we see, the more we want, and the more danger there 
is to be apprehended from falling. ' 



True virtue, is naturally of a sincere, modest and retiring char- 
acter — fond of peace and rural enjoyments : The fruits of a good 
conscience, and a reasonable mind. 



216 BRIEF GENERAL REMARKS 

Vice; is of an affected, blustering, and often popular character — 
the absence of truth and reason. The painted harlot, and design- 
ing knave, often assume a more specious or pleasing aspect, for 
the moment, in the eyes of deluded or unthinking beings, than 
true virtue and excellence, in all their solid and unaffected charms.. 



A virtuous and philosophical mind, well stored with informa- 
tion and matter for reflection, enters into society with itself, and 
shuts out the world with its chief cares and perplexities. It feasts 
on the wisdom, goodness and perfection of nature, and enjoys an 
almost uninterrupted banquet of intellectual pleasures and delights. 



In our pleasures of eating, drinking, sleeping, and the gratifica^ 
tion of all our bodily desires, man varies but little from the brutes ; 
but in our intellectual enjoyments, the human capacity is almost 
boundless. 



An ignorant old man, is one of the miserablesi creatures in life. 
As the sallies of youth cease to cheer him, he looks forward with 
doubt and apprehensions, of the account he shall be able to ren- 
der, at the call of final justice, for the time and talents that have 
been allowed him, and he looks back without the conscious satis- 
faction of having lived a well spent life. 

How happy are they, who, on gradually retiring from an active 
and well spent life, hear the sweet sounds of eternal justice tingling 
in their ears, of " well done, thou good and faithful, enter 

INTO THE JOYS OF THE BLESSED !" 



We should endeavor to derive some useful ideas or information k 
from every considerable circumstance or situation we may witness 
or pass through in life, and hand the same down to posterity, by 
precept and example. 

Early records, and habits of noticing such matters, tend greatly 
to preserve our useful ideas, extend their use to others, and to 
promote human improvements in general. 



Every succeeding generation, ought, indeed, to grow wiser than 
their ancestprs ; fqr it wonjd be absurd to suppose that mankind 



ON A VARIETY OF SUBJECTS. 3^ 

tfcmld not be benefitted by all the experience, demonstrations and 
records of those who had gone before them. 



Refining and arranging our ideas, on subjects and matters of 
usefulness, is like separating the wheat from the chaff, or like se- 
lecting the ore, and refining the metal from the dross and impuri- 
ties, and preparing the same for useful and important purposes. 



A man without system, in his general habits and concerns in 
life, may be mainly regarded as acting from the impulse and op- 
portunities of the moment, and without any particular respect to 
the principles of moral and political justice. 



By reading and hearing, we learn what others knew ; and by 
thinking and practice, we acquire information ourselves. 



It is generally easier to bring up a dozen children right, than 
to reform one grown blockhead. 



Ruminating antiquity for improvements, is something like go- 
ing backwards to make progress ahead. 



By adopting ancient usages as fit examples for our present con- 
duct, without examining into their fitness and propriety, is ulti- 
mately staying every error and absurdity, to the embarrassment 
and exclusion of truth and reason, and of actual improvement. 



We are often but half obliged, to those who would be friends, 
or the benefactors of manjkind, when they only warn us of our dan- 
gers, errors or inconsistencies, withput pointing out the better 
way, or enabling us to make some actual improvement in our 
course, operations, or final condition. 



I hardly know which is least worthy of human confidence, a 
knave, or a fool, for a knave will wrong you designedly, and a 
fool is generally a tool in the hands of every knave who may 
dio_ose to employ him ; but a man must be a fool to be a knave, 



318 BRIEF GENERAL REMARKS 

and little knaves are the fools and tools of older or more expert 
knaves, and the devil is the head or chief of all knaves. 



Mankind are generally apt to attempt too complicated views, on 
the subjects of moral and political science, and thereby often get 
their minds bewildered, without well comprehending, even apart, 

In order to form a correct estimate of society, and especially 
with a view to effeet an actual improvement ia the moral and po- 
litical condition thereof, it is necessary, in the first place, to ex- 
amine and understand all the parts, separately — consider their 
nature, tendency, proportions, stations and general fitness for 
their various purposes, with a view to the best possible general re- 
sult. And then, when these parts are well understood, the whole 
may be viewed in operation together. 

The same as a skilful and judicious mechanic, builder, or engi- 
neer, examine their materials, and then arrange, proportion and 
construct their work and designs, to produce the desired result in 
the best manner. 

Society is made up of a great many different professions, occu- 
pations, characters, habits, interests and conditions of life, all of 
which have their peculiar inclinations, connections, and bearings 
or final results. 

These are the a, b, c's of moral and political science. 



In compounding and tempering the public morals, habits and 
•customs of life, doctors, either from ignorance or design, are per- 
petually liable to extremes, that ultimately prove a disease, rathe* 
than effect a cure of common evils. 

For example ; too much religious discipline and instruction, is 
apt to inculcate vain notions, and finally end in bigotted, supersti- 
tious, hypocritical, oppressive and degrading ceremonies and ex- 
amples, rather than cultivate and establish good and practical 
jnorals, and improve our happiness positively. 

Too much law doctrine, is liable to degenerate rules designed 
for the protection of our persons and property, into complex and 
obscure systems, that ultimately serve as crooked instruments in 
the hands of learned, wealthy and designing individuals, for plun-^ 
de-ring, persecuting and oppressing their fellow-men, 



ON A VARIETY OP SUBJECTS. 319 

Consequently, where there is the greatest excess or indulgence 
of priests, and lawyers, there the people are generally the most 
liable to be priest-ridden, and laioycr-ridden. 



Court and chureh, magnificence and splendour, costs more hu* 
man misery than all the avowed infidelity on earth. They serve 
to cloak zndgild the abominable deeds of overgrown vice. 



Forms and ceremonies, are the life-guards of despotism and 
aristocracy. They were intended to keep the common people in 
ignorance, and in awe, the better to disguise the deeds of crown- 
ed or sacramental heads ; many of whose acts, would otherways 
appear, even more barbarous than the rude savages of the wilder- 
ness. 



Unprincipled men in power, will neither promote the public 
good themselves, nor permit others to do it. Such characters 
generally regard a public benefactor, with jealousy and bitter- 
ness ; although they commonly study to disguise the true cause of 
their hatred, in order to avoid the public indignation or contempt, 
and to favor the indulgence of their private hostility and evil de- 
signs. Their conduct, when contrasted with that of a real friend 
of mankind, demonstrates their baseness and inferiority, and pla- 
oes them so manifestly in the wrong as to render arguments' 
unnecessary to prove the fact. 



Ask a virtuous and enlightened people, who are their best 
friends, and they will tell you, those, who finally do the most 
good in society, with the least proportionate trouble and expense 



It is ridiculous for a nation or people to pretend their venera- 
tion and regard for virtue and public usefulness, while they delib- 
erately elevate to stations of profit and honour, notorious and un- 
relenting libertines, profligates and knaves, or other foes to com- 
mon justice, and the good of society. 



How would a public magistrate appear, punishing others for- 
the .same offences of which he had been notoriously and unre~ 



3k) BRIEF GENERAL REMARKS 

lentingly guilty himself? Perhaps a judge on the bench, or other 
executive officer, admonishing, convicting or punishing a cul- 
prit, convict or party, for the offence of seduction, gambling, 
adultery, fraudulent conspiracy, swindling or the like transgres- 
sions, of which himself had been notoriously guilty. 



Justice, enforced by precept and example, has a treble influ- 
ence on society. 



Liberty, without licentiousness, would afford but poor picking 
for lawyers. 



One trading, speculating, defaulting, failing, cheating, va- 
grant, treacherous, quarrelsome or worthless character, is general- 
ly worth more to lawyers, than fifty or an hundred honest and 
prudent farmers, mechanics, or others who live upon the fruits of 
their own useful industry, and do not attempt to wrong others, or 
disturb the peace of society. 



Men who have been professionally in the habit of advocating 
right or wrong, just as suited their own, or client's purposes ; and 
of perplexing and spinning out every subject to its greatest possi- 
ble length, to mcrease their own business and gains, would be 
extremely liable to make quibbling legislators, and crooked magis- 
trates. 



Men who have been in the habit of employing artifices to con- 
ceal the offences of others s and to facilitate their evasion of jus- 
tice, or to aid and assist their designs and efforts to rob, perse- 
cute and oppress their fello\v beings, will scarcely scruple to em- 
ploy the same means for their own accommodation, whenever a 
temptation or opportunity occurs. 



The' lawyers of this country, generally, with a few highly hon* 
orable exceptions, if left to themselves, would be just about as un- 
likely to correct their own crooked policy and conduct, ag the 
priests of the old world, wherever they have the chief rule. 



ON A VARIETY OF SUBJECTS, 321 

When a man has a professional policy, or private purpose to 
answer, which is at variance with common honesty, or the public 
good, he becomes infinitely more dangerous, in the possession and 
exercise of public confidence and authority, and especially as a 
public jnagistrate, teacher, or guide. 



The knaves and tyrants of the new world, are probably as hos- 
tile to truth, virtue, justice and human improvement, as those of 
the old world, only they are not yet so fully established in power, 
and have not the same means to obtain a complete gratification. 



The authors of accomplished villainy, frequently use some cha- 
ritable donation, as a bait for their snares, or cover to their traps 
and treachery. 

Such characters often engage in the commencement or promo- 
tion of some popular establishment, enterprise or undertaking, to 
serve as a kind of musick, to charm the public senses, and to 
drown the cries and agonies of their robbed, wounded or distress- 
ed victims. 



When the coarse and vulgar villains of society, have committed 
an outrage upon the person or property of a fellow being, to grati- 
fy or serve their excessive appetite, lust, avarice, malice, treachery 
or revenge, sometimes they take the lives of their victims, in or- 
per to prevent them from giving evidence or information against 
them ; but when the more learned and accomplished villains tres- 
pass on the persons, property or privileges of others, they generally 
study to conceal the facts, by ensnaring, intimidating and shack- 
ling the press, and the general freedom of speech, to prevent the 
truth from being told, and by endeavours to destroy the character 
and reputation of their victims, to prevent the truth from being be- 
lieved, when told. There are also other stratagems and ways of 
taking people's lives, without having recourse to immediate or di- 
rect assassination ; and by which the learned, wealthy, and those 
in power, generally contrive to despatch their victims. 



When hvpocrisy and bigotry have perverted and calloused- the 

41 



322 BRIEF GENERAL REMARKS 

understandings of mankind, so that truth and reason, in their 
ordinary address, are not heard or regarded, it then becomes ne- 
cessary to speak out in language as loud and forcible as thun- 
der, and as keen and penetrating as lightning. 



Tell me what government you have rebelled against, and under 
what circumstances you have acted, and I will tell you whether 
you are a villain, or a patriot, a wise man, or a fool. 



Let those who are nothing of themselves, to be proud of, boast 
of their birth or family connections, and thus proclaim their own 
degenerate and fallen condition. 



Those, who, by arms or other means, forcibly enslave their fel- 
low men, without any forfeiture of natural liberty on the part of 
the enslaved, are often worse than cannibals, who only eat their 
vanquished and dead foes. 



The fierceness and cruelty of a greedy or malignant foe, is in- 
creased by the cries and agonies of his wounded victim. 



Artful and corrupt professional policy, often cramps and de- 
forms more real genius, by unnecessary, arbitrary and hypocritic- 
al rules and regulations, than perhaps all other causes put togeth- 
er. 



One of the chief causes why virtue and liberty generally decline 
with the age of governments, is, that power has been mainly in the 
hands of those, whose very professions thrive on the ignorance, 
wounds and depravity of society. 



When I estimate mankind by their professions, I am inclined 
to regard justice and virtue, as honorable and desirable ; but were 
I to judge them by their actions, and especially to compare their 
precepts with their practice, I should be almost obliged to consid- 
er the world as a cheat, and the biggest cheat as the best fellow : 
but this is the present corrupt and hypocritical world, as it has 
been rendered by kingcraft, priestcraft, schoolcrqft, literary- 



ON A VARIETY OF SUBJECTS. 323 

craft, witch-craft, law-craft, and war-craft — but not as it might 
be, and should be. 



I can hardly help regarding every thorough bred and under- 
standing monarchist, as a cheat in theory, if not in practice, and 
every designing cheat, as a monarchist in practice, if not in pro- 
fession. 



Those who are the least deserving of honorable distinctions, are 
generally the most eager to obtain nominal titles. 



A person elevated to a station by the aid of others, and one 
raised to wealth and distinction by his own merits, should be very 
differently estimated : The former, generally passes for more than 
worth, and the latter is often greatly under valued. 



Nations, like individuals, when they form treaties offensive, may 
be said to agree as well as old Pooler and his wife, who agreed to 
fight ! 



King-craft, naturally makes man the worst enemy of his own 
species, in order that he may be rendered instrumental to the rob- 
bery, persecution and oppression of his fellow men. 



King-craft, would pervert the best talents of human nature, in- 
to instruments and playthings to suit 

" low ambition and the pride of kings, 1 ' 

instead of having them cultivated and applied to the best use, for 
the general good of mankind. 



Actions that manifest a contempt for the rights and feelings 
of others, is monarchy in practice — whatever the understanding 
or intention may be. 



Justice and reason, have but little to do with knaves and tyrants 
Force, and fraud are their chief agents. 



324 BRIEF GENERAL REMARKS 

Men who attempt to play the tyrant, on however small a scale, 
generally refuse to assign reasons for their actions and designs, 
and particularly to the victims of their fraud and oppression. 



Man, perfectly civilized, is the subject of truth, justice and 
reason. 



Monarchy, teaches mankind to deceive, oppress, and destroy 
their fellow men ; but republicanism, like Christianity, teaches us 
to enlighten, unshackle, and save our fellow beings. 



Monarchy teaches men to harden the feelings of their fellow 
beings; and to make their ignorance and misfortunes a jus- 
tification for their being robbed, persecuted, and enslaved : 
republicanism, (and Christianity, which are essentially the same 
in justice and humanity,) requires us to soften and humanize the 
feelings and dispositions of our brethren of the human family ; 
and finally to make their ignorance and misfortunes, the subject 
of our compassion and forbearance. 



True charity, begins at home. How often do we see people 
making a mighty fuss and parade, about contributing for the in- 
struction, relief or happiness of strangers, or people in a distant 
or foreign country, when they are surrounded at home by the 
miserable victims of their own meanness, deceit, oppression and 
cruelty ? And perhaps the chief reason why they are not warn- 
ed, or mended of their faults, is the general lack of virtue and 
intelligence among their own people ! 



A mind that is given up to treachery, seldom sees itself. The 
creature is all eyes, ears and mouth — but no soul within which, 
the subjects of virtue, (relying upon the eternal justice, wisdom 
and power of the Creator,) recline, with so much sweetness, sat- 
isfaction and contentment. 



He who smiles at the commission of a crime, or trifles with the 



ON A VARIETY OF SUBJECTS. 32$ 

offence, is generally as destitute of principle, or understanding, 
as the perpetrator. 



If one person gives a bribe, and another receives it, the first who 
complains of the offence, should not only be exonerated from 
punishment, but be rewarded, for enabling a detection of the fact. 
If this plan was judiciously managed, it would soon put a materi- 
al stop to bribery. 



There are few tricks of the learned craft, played off to deceive 
and defraud the common people, more base and hypocritical, than 
many of their disinterested pretensions. 



Let me know a man's interest, and I can generally tell his prin- 
ciples. 



Men who obtain public office or employ by false and deceitful 
artifices and representations, will generally devote their opportu- 
nities to defraud their employers. 



Law, without justice, is like religion without morality ; and 
"both are generally fit instrument for the service of satan. 



Priestcraft aids and sanctifies fraud, religiously, and lawcraft, 
litigiously. 



Priest-craft artfully obscures the light of Heaven in mystery ; 
and law-craft studiously involves the principles of justice and 
equity in uncertainty. 



Who, or which profession have been the most active and instru- 
mental in persecuting public benefactors, that of priests, or law- 
yers? 



While the knaves and tyrants of society, are openly contribu- 
ting to honor and reward one patriot or public benefactor, they 
are often secretly trampling on, or conspiring to suppress and des- 
troy, perhaps a dozen rising individuals of the same character 



326 BRIEF GENERAL REMARKS 

Public parades, often afford hypocrites and designing knaves^, 
a peculiar opportunity to display their outside show to the greatest 
advantage. The rich, haughty and overbearing aristocrats, are 
thus put up to out show real merit. Vice and folly are thus pam- 
pered, and apparently exalted, and virtue and wisdom, insulted, 
and put down — that is, in the estimation of ignorant or unthinking 
beings — never otherways. 



In the impulse, ebbs and flows of public passions, there is an era 
of good, and of bad feelings ; of which knav*es and tyrants are per- 
petually studying to take the advantage, to effect their base and 
crooked designs and purposes. It is, therefore, of general impor- 
tance that the people should be aware of it, in order the better to 
detect and defeat such designs. 



Human liberty is as often violated, and finally entangled and 
destroyed, from the lack of proper attention on the part of the 
people, as from their ignorance or want of knowledge. 



Men of corrupt minds, and despotic habits or indulgences, hypo- 
critcally represent remonstrances and arguments, however just 
and reasonable, when urged against their conduct or designs, as 
scolding — while in fact these very same little knaves and tyrants 
themselves, are more in the habit of raving, pouting and scolding. 
when any thing crosses their will, than any other class of men. 



Morality, truly considered, does not abridge one solid or ra- 
tional enjoyment ; but on the contrary, it augments and improves 
our happiness, in the most sure, substantial and lasting manner. 

A good moral habit — a system of general conduct judiciously 
arranged before hand, is the course of true wisdom. 



As health, general competence, and a long life, are desirable, 
so should we practice temperance, for intemperance is the parent 
of debility, disease, poverty, and death. 

Mark the dissipated, profligate and lewd character, and calcu- 
late their ruin, and most assuredly you will avoid their wretched 
fate and example. 



ON A VARIETY OF SUBJECTS. 32T 

To acquire true honor, and enjoy the comforts of a tolerable 
competence, regard temperance in all things, for it is the surest 
guide to health, wealth, and honor. 



Excesses, in eating, drinking, frolicking, sporting, and in the 
indulgence of our lust, anger or other extreme passions or desires 
— like a deluge, fire or tornado, upon the natural earth, have a 
tendency to drown, prostrate, disfigure, wound or destroy the real 
beauties, worth and excellence of the human constitution and 
character. 



Ignorance — wrong information, or a lack of knowing the actu- 
al truth of whatever concerns us, is the main cause of human mis- 
conduct ; for it would be a burlesque upon reason and common 
sense, to suppose that rational beings would, voluntarily and 
knowingly do any thing against their own general happiness. 

We all prefer happiness to misery, and should always pursue 
the most pure and lasting enjoyments, if we could rightly, and sea- 
sonably, comprehend their true character and course. 

Wrong information, delusion, and a lack of knowing the actual 
truth of whatever concerns us, are the real snares and stumbling- 
blocks of human life. 

To acquire a general and correct knowledge of the truths that 
concern us, and thereby avoid the evil consequences of error, re- 
quires considerable mental and bodily exertion ; but the reward 
is abundantly equal to the undertaking. 

Here the duty of parents, guardians, and instructors, assumes 
an immense responsibility, and importance, in giving true and val- 
uable impressions, and in correcting erroneous ideas, examples 
and information. This duty, well performed, is of far greater 
consequence to the youth, than great wealth without such in- 
struction. 



Some priests, have raised up or created a phantom, which they 
call the devil, and attack with great boldness ; while they seldom 
interfere with those who are playing the real devil in society. 



No wonder that tyrants and knaves in power, should be afraid 



328 BRIEF GENERAL REMARKS 

of information, and arms, in possession of the people, lest they 
should discern, and resume their suppressed rights, and perhaps 
resent some of the insults, oppressions and cruelties they had ex- 
perienced. 

But a virtuous and wise man, duly invested with public author- 
ity, has rather an occasion to rejoice at the intelligence and force 
of his constituents. 



In a republic, the people are chiefly their own guards ; and are 
generally stationed where their protection is the most needed — 
namely, to guard their own persons and property. 



The chief excuse for the existence and continuation of mon- 
archy or arbitrary government, is the ignorance and depravity of 
the people ; but if this was really an excuse that would justify the 
necessity of suppressing human liberty, and those who control the 
exercise of this absolute power, were desirous of improving the 
condition of the people, they would adopt measures to have them 
truly enlightened, and their vices corrected ; so as to enlarge their 
freedom, and regularly reduce the restraints upon their conduct, 
as they became more virtuous and enlightened. 

But, instead of this course, the chiefs, and others who controul 
the education and government of the subjects of monarchy, pro- 
hibit the light of truth, and the progress of reason, and human 
improvement, generally, with the most eager jealousy and inquisi- 
tive concern, and openly license and encourage the most destruc- 
tive and fatal examples of ignorance and depravity. 



In every civilized and well regulated community, there ought 
to be a perfect harmony and co-operation, between the standards 
of morality, honour, and the spirit and practice of the law. 



Our newspapers teem with legislation and projects for making 
laws, but seldom meddle with the execution thereof — the final 
ends of government, which is ten fold more important to the 
well-being of the people. 



ON A VARIETY OF SUBJECTS. 329 

It requires a great deal of examination, reflection and watchful- 
ness, to eradicate, and guard against the introduction, and effects 
of kingcraft, and all its corrupt, hypocritical and subordinate 
agents, policies and designs, which are artfully interwoven, and 
mixed with our systems of education, religion, government, histo- 
ry, language, laws, fashions, news, information, customs and hab- 
its of life, and what still continues to invade us, in some shape or 
manner, from the presses, workshops and agents of the old world. 



A community of republicans, living together in terms of equity, 
mutual protection, and social intercourse one with another — each 
individual enjoying the just fruits of his own honest industry and 
merit, with nothing to hope from efforts to injure others, and noth- 
ing to fear from the evil actions or designs of others to injure 
him, is the greatest acquisition of human virtue and wisdom, and 
would be the most interesting and sublime object the world ever 
saw. 



The only way to make a fair estimate of the general character 
of a government, or of the condition of those under its care and 
control, is to take an average of the whole — all the different 
parts, places, people, grades and conditions, and then to contrast 
them with the general character and condition of the people and 
government of another country, state or nation, and see Where 
the people average the most rational advantages of government, 
and for the least expense. 



Suppose, for example, we apply the foregoing rule to all the 
places and people under the dominion, care and control of the Bri- 
tish government, including Ireland, India, &c. and then compare 
their average results with the people and government of the Uni- 
ted States— how important the contrast would be, in favour of our 
system of government ! And yet, the British government is con- 
sidered the most favourable one in the old world — except, per- 
haps the Swiss. 



What, in all probability, would have been the present moral and 

42 



330 BRIEF GENERAL REMARKS, 

political condition of England, had it not been for her Botany Bay, 
and numerous other places for the forced transportation, and volun- 
tary exile, of her home-bred subjects ? 



Unprincipled men in power, generally pension those whom they 
dismiss from stations of considerable trust or confidence, in 
order to keep them from exposing the secrets of their master's po- 
licy and conduct ! 



We often hear it said, that a certain individual has had an of- 
fice given him, and as a particular mark of personal friendship, or 
as a compensation or reward for his former good services. From 
which an intelligent and reflecting mind would rationally conclude 
that public offices were sometimes sold — not given away, and that 
their salaries or incomes, were more than a fair compensation for 
the services to be rendered — so as to afford them a certain gain 
beyond what the services actually merited. 



Men of principle, generally take into consideration the end of 
every considerable act they intentionally and understandingly pur- 
sue. 



Unprincipled and despotic men, sensible of their unjust and 
cruel conduct and designs, are constantly plotting some new and 
plausible scheme, device or apology, to patch up and conceal 
their wretched conduct and characters. 



Instead of conforming to the general standard of virtue, justice 
and reason, established for human actions, knaves often endeavour 
to make their own crooked policy and conduct, a rule and guide 
for others. 



Only convince mankind of a future state of rewards and pun- 
ishments, and that a certain man, or set of men, have the " keys" 
of heaven and hell, whereby they can save or damn whom they 
please, and a more complete despotism over the human character, 
cannot well be conceived of. But I pity the people who are kept 
in sufficient ignorance and bondage to believe and be led by such 
a persuasion. 



ON A VARIETY OF SUBJECTS. 331 

" Impious worm of the dust !" would any mortal being pretend 
that God had specially invested man with a sovereignty over hu- 
man souls ! 



It is just as consistent with the true principles of civilization, 
for nations, as it would be for individuals, to appeal to arms — to 
see which can do the other the most harm, on any considerable dif- 
ference ; instead of settling their matters and various concerns, 
by written, definite and established laws, peaceably administered, 
by judicous and established tribunals. 



When one nation keeps up a horde of mercenary robbers and 
assassins, ready to let loose upon a neighboring nation, whenever 
they are off their guard, or rendered particularly vulnerable, the 
neighboring nations are obliged to resort to similar preparations, 
in order to be able to defend themselves in case of an attack. 

But if all nations, pretendedly civilized, would dispense with 
warlike aggressions, and rely upon a truly civilized code of inter- 
national law, and a just and reasonable tribunal for carrying the 
same into effect, there would be no need or justification in keep- 
ing up large warlike forces and military preparations, and espe- 
cially in times of professed peace and amity. And this would un- 
doubtedly be accomplished, if the general good of the whole peo- 
ple was properly consulted and regarded. 



What a strange sight it often affords, to a civilized, enlightened 
and reflecting mind, to behold nations, professedly a civilized and 
christian people, holding the main body of their citizens in subor- 
dination by the constant application of the force of arms ! 

It is equally wonderful to see neighboring nations in professed 
amity and friendship — perhaps their sovereigns are blood connec- 
tions, keeping strong military guards on their frontier or division 
lines. 

One would imagine that sovereign princes had not much con- 
fidence in the faith or good intentions of each other. 



Aristocracy would render industry and usefulness, or true mer- 
it, contemptible, and indolence and folly respectable 



332 BRIEF GENERAL REMARKS 

Fashions of dress, manners and customs, are often artfully con- 
trived to nurse the aristocratic, haught, vanity and deceit of man- 
kind, to their own general degradation and ruin. 



Too much money, ruins young men, more fatally than the lack 
of money. 



Rules, were intended as leading-strings for simpletons, and 
shackles for rogues — but never should be permitted to cramp the 
genius of honest and enlightened minds. 



Unjust and severe rules or restrictions upon human rights and 
liberties, has a tendency to provoke desperate actions, which often 
seem to justify arbitrary government. 



One good thinker, is generally worth a dozen quibbling gabblers, 
in a deliberative assembly or body of men. 



Addressed to Liberty, during a disastrous period of the war of 

1812. 

O liberty ! thou celestial goddess of virtue, science, and hu- 
man felicity — thou, whose cause has been consecrated by the 
blood of heroes, and the tears of innocence, and whom saints 
have knelt to adore, forsake not my country, I beseech you ; but 
continue thy fostering influence over the people of this new and 
rising nation — peradventure they may yet erect a temple worthy 
of thy residence and future glory. 



On viewing a statue, representing Washington with sandals on 
and otherways habited as men appeared in their half savage state, 
some two or three thousand years ago, it was asked whether 
Washington ever dressed so 1 O, no, was the answer ; why, 
then, continued the inquirer, did they not represent him truly, as 
he used to dress and appear 1 the reply was that this was more 
classical than his real dress and appearance ! 



ON A VARIETY OF SUBJECTS. 333 

Yes, reader, in the true style of ancient literature, fiction, trick 
and artifice, is regarded as more learned and eminent, than the 
plain and undeviating truth — that is, hypocrisy and. treachery, art- 
fully and ably embellished, represented and managed, is consid- 
ered, even at the present day, by some, who would take the lead 
in matters of education, taste and refinement generally, as more 
learned, fashionable and elevated, than truth, or unaffected worth 
and excellence. 



Sophists, or literary knaves and dunces, would impute more to 
the manner ■, than to the matter and real merits of a verbal or writ- 
ten communication. 



Monarchy, would establish as the standard of human greatness, 
the titles conferred by their arbitrary rules and authorities. 

Our colleges exercise an authority of conferring degrees, which 
they would almost seem to have regarded as the criterion of hu- 
man worth and excellence. 

While the truly good and great, generally set lightly by such 
conferments, titles and distinctions. 



One of the basest and most dangerous arts of kingcraft and its 
hypocritical co-operators in policy, is the studied perversion of the 
proper meaning and application of words. 



Instead of recommending and requiring the restoration of pro- 
perty wrongfully obtained, or making restitution or amends for in- 
juries done to others ; it seems to be the general policy of unprin- 
cipled and designing priests and lawyers, to obtain themselves, 
somehow, directly or indirectly, a part at least of the spoil, for the 
aid and comfort they afford the transgressors ! 



Evil example, is the very pilot of corruption. 



Talents, without virtue, is like arms or instruments in the way 
of robbers and assassins. 



Said a bold, discerning, independent, upright and active repub- 



334 BRIEF GENERAL REMARKS 

lican, I have the honor to be hated, by every designed knave and 
tyrant who truly knows me. 



Gratitude — is the first law of civilization — a just and proper 
sense of favours received — such as children owe to faithful par- 
ents, and such as is generally due to public and private benefac- 
tors. 

It is just as impossible for a person to feel a true Christian tem- 
per and disposition, without a proper sense of gratitude, as it would 
be to convert a wolf into a lamb. 

Ingratitude, is a heedless, cold or malignant temper or dispo- 
sition — generally the result of a neglected, or hypocritical educa- 
tion ; the manifestations of which, may be considered as the fore- 
runner of treachery and cruelty. 



True Christianity, mainly consists in doing as we would be 
done by ; ox, in scripture language, 

" Therefore all things whatsoever ye would that men should 
do to you, do ye even so to them : for this is the law and the 

prophets." 



It would be unreasonable to expect, that a profession of men, 
interested, accustomed and indulged as lawyers generally are, 
would, professionally, or officially, honestly make and administer 
laws, to afford good and sufficient aid and protection, to the works 
and authors of public usefulness. 



Let a man undertake to perform a distinguished part as a public 
benefactor, and he may soon find who are the wolves and vultures 
of society. 



Self-taught men, generally, are less bigoted, and not so much 
affected by hypocritical examples, and overbearing policies, as 
those who have had formal educations : and chiefly because they 
do not implicitly follow the opinion and designs of others — but 
examine for themselves, and found their faith in practical know- 
ledge, according to the dictates of truth, justice and reason — in 
their own understanding. 



ON A VARIETY OF SUBJECTS. 335 

Education fashions the mind, almost as arbitrarily, as art forms 
metallic and other substances into engines and instruments of hu- 
man agency. 



God ordained the light of truth, justice and reason, for the in- 
formation and benefit of mankind : but satan, dreading the ex- 
posure of his wickedness and deformity of character, and desiring 
company, as nigh as possible, in his miserable and degraded con- 
dition, set his evil genius to work to counteract the progress of 
truth, justice, and reason ; and finally to involve the happiness 
and concerns of mankind, as much as possible, in moral and po- 
litical darkness. 



The general freedom of speech, and of the press, are the or- 
gans of light and intelligence, indispensable to the existence of a 
republic. 



In a republican country, a man should never be afraid to do" 
any thing, but what was dishonest, inhuman, or mean. 

Wrong information given to students, is like misdirection to 
travellers — the longer they pursue the erroneous course, the fur- 
ther they generally are from the real object of their intentions. 



Formerly it used to be the fashion, to call rakes, profligates and 
libertines, high fellows ; but now we begin to rate such as low 
characters. 



People use many words ceremoniously, without meaning, or 
being fully sensible of what they say. This is generally the effect 
of neglected, or hypocritical education and habits. So when an 
Irish servant overheard his knavish master repeating his prayers, 
wherein he used the common form of saying, " I have done those 
things I ought not to have done, and left undone that which I ought 
to have done, and am unworthy to he numbered among the meanest 
of thy creatures." Faith, exclaimed Pat, I am glad to hear you 
speak the truth, once. Oh ! said the surprised hypocrite, you 
must not take me in earnest — I only say over these words for form 
sake ! 



336 BRIEF GENERAL EEMARKS 

There are some people, who really seem to imagine, that their 
" Sunday' s piety , blots out the knaveries of the week." 



Privileged orders. — Why should one man, more than another, 
be entitled to have his character investigated at the public expense ? 
I here particularly allude to naval and military officers, legislators, 
judges, and others in public employ ; some of whom have cost 
government much more than they are worth, by court martials, 
and other public inquiries and investigations, carried on to vindi- 
cate their conduct and characters. And this, too, when some of 
the most publicly useful men in the union, while exerting their 
extraordinary talents and information in the promotion of works, 
designs and undertakings of great national importance, have been 
obliged, constantly to defend themselves against the most mali- 
cious conspiracies, and sometimes against the very men invested 
ivith public authority for the aid and protection of such persons 
and undertakings ! Some, who have proved themselves public 
benefactors, in an eminent degree, have been obliged to lie upon 
their arms, as it were, and while toiling with one hand, defend 
themselves with the other ! 



Many of our newspapers, seem to be conducted to serve their 
few advertising, and office juggling employers, to the sacrifice of 
their far more numerous subscribing and reading customers. 



Even those who draw high prizes in lotteries, are not always 
benefitted, as the sudden possession of considerable property, 
without acquiring it by some regular business, is apt to lead people 
into profligate habits, and to ruinous calculations. 



Inquiries that have truth and justice for their general object, 
concentrate — become more simple, definite and certain, as they 
progress ; but investigations that aim at the evasion and defeat of 
truth and justice — like the juggling of words, scatter, grow more 
complex, obscure and doubtful, as they progress, and often render 
that uncertain, which, before, was hardly questionable. 



ON A VARIETY OF SUBJECTS. 337 

Virtuous and active minorities, should always be cherished, and 
-fairly and courteously treated, and regarded as healthy for the 
body politic. Considerable minorities, in politics, and in reli- 
gion, are far more likely to be guided by a principle of justice 
and humanity, than large or overwhelming majorities ; because 
the former generally depend for their justification and support, on 
the reality and importance of the principles and measures they 
advocate, or aim to inculcate and establish, while the latter 
chiefly rely upon the power of their superior numbers, to effect 
their objects. 

In fact, most if not all the reforms actually made in govern- 
ments, and religion, favourable to justice and humanity, were the 
fruits of virtuous and active minorities. 

It is, indeed, from the want, or indulgence of virtuous and ac- 
tive minorities, that bigotry and despotism exist, any where, at 
any considerable length, in religion or politics. 



When candidates for office or public preferment, give feasts, 
treats, or public entertainment, it is necessary that freemen should 
be thoughtful. It may be, they mean no harm ; but many have, 
unconsciously, sold their birthrights, and for that which was equal- 
ly insignificant or trifling in value, to " a mess of pottage." 



It is always honorable to deceive those who undertake to control 
our voting, by corrupt or arbitrary means. Indeed, it is the 
bounden duty of every friend of justice and rational liberty, to 
counteract and defeat the enemy, in any shape. 



Ancient Greece, Rome, and even modern France, had their 
liberties perverted and overthrown, chiefly by the influence and 
control of their overgrown and corrupt cities — which governed the 
country. But in this republican nation, the country mainly gov- 
erns legislative bodies ; and thereby, in a measure, guards us 
against the fatal influence and control of large and corrupt cities. 



The excitements to the office of president of the United States, 
has become quite alarming, and dangerous to ourlibertv 3 from the 

43 



33& BRIEF GENERAL REMARKS 

magnificence and splendor of the public palace furnished for his 
official residence, and from the immense and increasing power 
and patronage of the office. 



Some of the ignorant slaves, and the designing advocates of mo- 
narchy, from the old world, when travelling in this republican 
country, wonder, and sometimes profess to cast a reproach upon 
us, because we have so few of those magnificent temples, costly 
and splendid palaces, and other extravagances, that like Jugger- 
nauts, have been the principal engines used to crush, as it were, 
the chief liberties of the common people of the old world. 



All compromises, involving principle, are generally made for the 
want of means to enforce or obtain justice, and for the ultimate 
benefit of knaves and tyrants. 



To say nothing of the lack of experience, in the early stages of 
human society ; the imperfection of language ; the great difficulty 
of circulating and extending knowledge, and the consequent ig- 
norauce of the people of those periods of time : Ancient history is 
so dependent on tradition, and so blended with romance, fable and 
fiction, that it is extremely difficult for people of common talents 
and information, to know what to believe and depend upon. It is 
therefore,, generally the safest and best way, to confide in nothing 
that we cannot comprehend consistently with reason and common 
sense, in order to avoid the impositions, that ignorance and treach- 
ery would, otherways, subject us to. 



We should endeavour to derive some useful ideas or informa- 
tion, from every considerable subject we read, or hear, and then 
digest the matter in our own minds, so as to be able to answer the 
questions definitely, if put to us. For example — after having 
read a book, or other publication, or matter, or heard a lecture, 
oration, sermon, address, speech, or any considerable delivery by 
voice, let us ask ourselves, or suppose another to make the inqui- 
ry, " Have you derived any new and useful idea or information, 
from the same ? and what are the ideas or information acquired I 



ON A VARIETY OF SUBJECTS. 339 

fcnd. finally, what practical knowledge or conclusions have you 
drawn from the subject 1 

This habit of inquiry, reflection and conclusion, enables a per- 
son to select, digest, refine and concentrate information for prac- 
tical and important purposes. 



A man, who naturally had a good constitution, and fine talents, 
und was left young in the "world with a handsome fortune — which 
he had spent in habits of dissipation and debauchery, and ruined 
his health ; was accosted by one of his old acquaintances, who 
was endeavouring to console him, in his miserable condition, by 
saying that he had many and good friends in the companions of 
his youth. " No," said the ruined man ; u they were my worst 
enemies ;. for if they had been my real friends, they would have 
caused a conservator to have been put over me, or otherwise have 
checked and prevented me from squandering my fortune, and ru- 
ining my health and talents — and particularly, instead of aiding 
and encouraging me in my ruinous course, as they did." 



There has lately been considerable squinting and squirming, 
ubout the small salaries for which the chief executive and judicial 
offices are filled, in the state of Rhode-Island ; and particularly 
when contrasted with the sums allowed for similar offices in the 
states of Louisiana and New- York. Those salaries may be too 
low ; "but will any one pretend that justice is not as accessible, 
and as well executed, in the state of Rhode-Island, as in the two 
latter named states 1 and even better than in England, or any 
other country where judges have larger salaries or higher rates of 
compensation than in any of our states ? 

We should remember, that justice is not meted out with gold 
scales. 

The simple truth is, when we go beyond a necessary and just 
rate of compensation for public services, the artifices of election- 
eering, and juggling tricks to obtain public office or employ, are 
naturally excited thereby ; and the higher we go above a medium 
rate of salaries and perquisites of office, the more learned quib- 
bles, vexations and delays of justice, are generally indulged. 



340 BRIEF GENERAL REMARKS 

It is said that, in some parts of our country, certain leading and 
driving characters, some how manage to dictate and controul, di- 
rectly and indirectly, the principal newspapers and other publica- 
tions, that their subjects read ; and that the common people have 
no practical and efficient prot ection against such persecuting, vex- 
atious and oppressive conduct and designs. 



The people — freemen or electors, should lead and rule, in a 
republic — not be led, or drove, like cattle 1 or voting machines ! 



People who are not satisfied with themselves, are generally in- 
clined to be envious of the acquisitions, fame and enjoyment of 
others. 



Some people, who have no minds or opinions of their own, or 
who are under a rigid church or state policy, have to go to their 
masters or leaders to know ichat to think, and particularly on mat- 
ters of religion and politics. 



There are two dangerous sets of hypocrites in our country, at 
the present day — one of whom aim to conceal their knavery and 
evil designs, under the cloak of piety, or a professed zeal for some 
religious creed, faith, or sectarian formalities ; and the other study 
to cover their crooked policy and conduct, under the buzz of some 
political name, or party distinction, or by the broad mantle of pro- 
fessed honor or liberality. 

Hence, professedpety, is frequently a cloak for knavery ; and 
liberality, is often only another name for profligacy or the lack of 
principle. 



Some editors and conductors of public journals, strive to lead 
and dictate — not to collect and follow, public opinion. 



Unprincipled leaders, generally prefer men of desperate char- 
acters and fortunes, for under offices and agencies, as they may 
the more readily convert them into instruments for their own 
crooked policy and purposes. 



ON A VARIETY OF SUBJECTS. 341 

Sympathy for rogues, expressed by looks, words or actions, 
generally betrays a weak head, or a corrupt policy and under- 
standing. It may indeed be the result of extreme ignorance, or 
the person who manifests it may not know what they do ; but 
generally it is a warning that should be cautiously attended to. 



Bigots, from ignorance and delusion, and knaves from policy 
and design, seem ever ready to palliate wrong actions, under some 
hypocritical or quibbling pretence. 

A person was complaining of fraudulent transactions, when an- 
other said, " Lau ! you, rogues must live." Well, replied the 
former, we have provided, at considerable public expense, a place 
for their reception, affording them food, clothing, lodging and 
work, with guards for their protection, (state prison ;) and I wish 
all the rogues were confined there, and not running at large, rob- 
bing and plaguing honest people. 



We naturally proclaim a wolf, without any ceremony or hesita- 
tion, whenever we see one at large, open and undisguised ; but 
when a wolf is discovered in sheep's clothing — which is infinitely 
more dangerous, people generally hesitate, and seldom do more 
than whisper, or give an insinuating hint, to their particular friends 
and confidants. This strange state of society is brought about by 
having hypocrites in power, who, in order to screen themselves, 
generally study to entangle liberty — to intimidate discernment, 
and finally to suppress a manly freedom of speech, and of action. 



Minds, that have been bewildered and confused, by false pre- 
cepts and hypocritical examples, like a tangled skein of silk, gen- 
erally grow worse by hasty or injudicious efforts to untangle them. 



Persons of variegated fortunes, and of changeable tempers or 
dispositions, resulting from natural or artificial causes, are gener- 
ally much more capable of forming correct ideas on subjects in- 
volving general knowledge, than those of steady tempers, and 
even or uninterrupted fortunes. Every change of feeling, circum- 
stance, or situation, gives a different vicxc of the world and its va- 



342 BRIEF GENERAL REMARKS 

rious concerns. Health, and sickness ; poverty, and riches ; lib- 
erty, and slavery ; habitual indolence, and industry ; changes of 
residence, situation, or occupation, as well as a fluctuating temper 
of mind ; however they may render one in the world's estimation, 
nevertheless afford him, greatly the advantage over those of more 
stable tempers, uniform fortunes, and uninterrupted situations, in 
reasoning on general and extensive subjects. 



The changes, hardships, and trials, which mankind are often 
subject to in life, if made a proper use of, tend to strengthen their 
virtue, and enlighten the understanding. 



Adversity tests the minds of men, as use or accident rubs off the 
gloss and exposes the substance of which coin is made. 



Extreme prosperity, or indulgence, have a natural tendency to 
excite unwarrantable expectations. Hence, those who have been 
greatly indulged, by fortune, weak parents, or the like, and those 
who are best off in worldly goods, are generally the least satisfied 
with their fortunes and situations. 



A little adversity tempers life. It generally softens down the 
too arrogant and unreasonable propensities of heedless and incon- 
siderate beings. 

Adversity teaches by contrast, and experiment, the worth of 
health, liberty, peace, and competence. 

After a person has suffered the deprivation, or particular want 
of any of the essential privileges or enjoyments of life, for a sea- 
son, on being restored to his privileges and enjoyments again, he 
then generally knows their value. 



It is the height of wisdom, to know when we are well situated, 
and to estimate fairly, the blessings and privileges we possess. 



That man, who possesses strength of reason, in unison with the 
impulse of his temper and the energies of his body, is most happi- 
ly constituted. 



ON A VARIETY OF SUBJECTS. 343 

It rs absurd, if not infamous, to represent the Creator-— who 
is perfect in knowledge, power and goodness, as having made 
man different from what He would have had him ; and especially 
as being angry with His own works, when anger is the acknow- 
ledged attribute of ignorance and folly. And, in His all-right- 
eous and final judgment, to suppose that the Supreme and perfect 
Judge of all mankind, would exact 'perfection, of finite and falli- 
ble creatures, is a paltry fallacy ; and also, that God — being per- 
fect in knowledge, truth and justice, should assign infinite pun- 
ishment for a temporary offence. 

Those who hold up such notions, whether from ignorance or 
design, should be cautiously avoided : for let me tell you, the Su- 
preme Guardian of truth, justice, virtue and humanity, never sets 
knaves or blockheads to become guides in the land. 



A priest was once endeavouring to instruct a man of his par- 
ish, or " flock," how to die happily — who was told by the man, that 
he should be much more obliged if the priest would enable him 
to live comfortably — and which he might easily do, by relinquish- 
ing a part of his enormous tithes, and arbitrary power. 



One practical Christian, who proves his faith by his good 
works, is worth a thousand idle declaimers ; who often prove, by 
their actions, that they don't believe what they say. 

The same may be applied, also, as a general rule, to judge of 
republicans, and of patriots. 



The Friends or Quakers, have no pope, bishops, or settled sala- 
ry clergymen to " rule over" them. Every good man, and wo> 
man, among them,, are moral and religious instructors, both by 
precept and example : and although they live in a country where 
lawyers have the chief power, they have but little to do with law- 
yers or litigation : and yet the whole world might be challenged 
for a people of equal good habits and moral worth. 



The editor or conductor of a newspaper, or public journal, 
should never admit any thing into his columns, that is calculated 



344 BRIEF GENERAL REMARKS 

to deceive or injure his numerous subscribing and reading custom- 
ers ; and if any thing of the kind inadvertently obtains an inser- 
tion, he should immediately on ascertaining its character and 
probable designs, endeavour to explain and defeat its object It 
is entirely a mistake, to suppose that an editor or publisher is un- 
accountable for his advertising matter. I here would recommend 
some to read the lottery brokers, nostrum venders, political jug- 
glers, and other treacherous and base matter, which they deal out 
to the public, through their printed columns, and then see, in 
fact, if they are not playing the game of aristocracy — serving the 
few, to the injury of the many ! 



A waste of our thoughts, is almost as pernicious and unwise, 
as to squander time, or money. Allowing our imaginations, 
thoughts or reasoning faculties to dwell upon frivolous, useless or 
mischievous subjects, without any beneficial object in view, is a 
heedless waste, to say the least of it. 



As a sample of the inequality and injustice of the British gov- 
ernment, Manchester — without incorporated or city privileges, 
with 165,000 inhabitants, chiefly mechanics and manufacturers, 
is without representation in parliament. Birmingham, and other 
large manufacturing towns, are similarly situated. 

The British historian, soberly represents these as " advanta- 
ges" — "freedom from election canvassing." Yes, the same free- 
dom and advantages the African slaves might boast of, over a peo- 
ple who have to read, inquire, reflect, reason and choose for them- 
selves. 



The manufacturers, and seamen, of Great-Britain — who are in 
fact their chief supporters and defenders, have been taught — en- 
couraged and habituated to the most intemperate, improvident and 
heedless course of life and conduct, to keep them ignorant, cor- 
rupt, needy and dependent, in order to facilitate their absolute sub- 
jection and control. 

Every thing, in fine, that increases the general depravity, ignor- 



ON A VARIETY OF SUBJECTS. 345 

auee and want of the British laboring classes, has a tendency to 
bring them more and more under the control of absolute power. 

When the laboring manufacturers are obliged to work for little 
or nothing beyond a bare subsistence, it enables the master man- 
ufacturers to throw their productions into foreign markets at such 
low rates, as to injure, and often to destroy the manufacturing es- 
tablishments of those countries. And then the proud capitalists 
and managers make money, by a monopoly of the foreign market ; 
while those who perform the labor, are still left poor and dependent. 



True Christianity, like genuine republicanism, studies the 
greatest possible good of the whole of mankind ; and sectarian- 
ism, like king-craft, seeks the benefit of the few, at the expense 
and injury of the many. 



Literary-craft — in order to render learning unnecessarily diffi- 
cult and expensive, would oblige us to have two sets of letters for 
the use of one word — one to spell, and the other to pronounce by '. 



Priest-craft, would render religion, a deep, intricate and com- 
plicated science, known only to the few, who could interpret it to 
the many, as best suited their own interests and designs ! 



Law-craft, would render the laws, (a knowledge of which we 
ull require for our constant guide, and protection,) a deep and in- 
tricate science, known only to zfew professional characters ; who 
can generally interpret and use them to suit their own particular 
interests and policy ! 



Probably the only reason why priests have indulged, or rather 
have been successful in so" many frauds, persecutions and oppres- 
sions on mankind, is because their policy and conduct has not 
been promptly met, and freely, publicly and seasonably investiga- 
ted, like other public concerns. 

' The same reason, applies also, to lawyers, doctors, and men of 
other public or learned professions, as they are called. 

The pruning-hook is most needed, where the growth is natural- 



44 



If 



346 BRIEF GENERAL REMARKS 

]y the most luxuriant. The pruning-hook of criticism and correc- 
tion, must be constantly and faithfully applied, or obnoxious weeds 
and unhealthy shoots and branches will spring up, burden and ex- 
haust the soil — overshadow, and finally choke and destroy the 
true scions and articles of usefulness and good husbandry. 



There is not any thing that concerns the people of this country 
generally, more dearly than our political and religious rights and 
liberties ; and constant vigilance and inspection are necessary to 
preserve them from the crooks and intrigues of hypocritical and 
designing crafts : how absurd, then, is it for the editors or con- 
ductors of newspapers and other public prints, to pledge them- 
selves, as some do in their prospectuses, not to meddle with reli- 
gion or politics. 

There is always a fair presumption, of those who wish to in- 
timidate, cramp or destroy the general freedom of speech, or of 
the press, that their policy and conduct will not bear the light of 
truth and public inspection. 



A person in the city of Mexico, remarked how very imposing 
the Roman Catholic Church ceremonies were. Yes, replied a 
Mexican republican, very imposing, to be sure, for they have been 
the chief means employed to impose ignorance, corruption and 
oppression, on many millions of the people of the old and new 
world, for ages past. 



Monarchy is of savage origin ; and carries with it the barbar- 
ous injustice and cruelty of outraged reason and humanity : 
wherein the chief — one individual, claims an absolute sovereign- 
ty over millions of fellow-beings, and keeps them in subordination 
to his will and control, by the hypocritical arts and efforts of 
bigotry and superstition, with the constant application of the force 
of arms. 

Monarchy enjoins a kind of idolatry on its subjects, wherein 
the creature-*- that phantom of human worth and greatness, com- 



ON A VARIETY OF SUBJECTS. 347 

monly called a monarch or sovereign chief, often assumes to him- 
self the homage, which is due only to the Creator. 

A monarch is therefore an idol — an artificial character — a 
cheat — one set forth to be superior to the common order of be- 
ings — infallible in his judgment, and above all human accounta- 
bility and controul — while in fact he is nothing but a man ; gen- 
erally possessed of the sovereign controul of a state or empire, 
by chance, and supported by the power of force and fraud, with 
the co-operation of a few interested participators, and expectants 
of extra gains, privileges and indulgences. 

A monarch is usually decorated and puffed up with an excessive 
degree of vanity and deceitfulness ; and, who in point of intellec- 
tual capacity and moral worth, is often below men in general — 
sometimes worse than a brute in ferocity and lack of fellow-feel- 
ings. 



A sovereign chief, with a large military force on hand, is like 
an overgrown bully, inclined to swagger and be insolent to his 
weaker neighbours and fellow-men, that he may provoke them to 
give him some pretext for battle, wherein he can display his power, 
and perhaps get something by plunder. 



The progress of human improvement, and especially that which 
is made in the science and practice of government, having ren- 
dered kings, emperors, or sovereign princes and their creatures, 
with their silly and hypocritical shows, pomp and pretensions, 
worse than a useless appendage of public authority, which the 
people wish to get rid of, as soon and as effectually as possible ; 
they therefore seem resolved, while in the exercise of their sove- 
reign power, to do their utmost to embarrass the progress of truth 
and reason, and, if possible to finally extinguish the main light of 
civilization ! 



We often hear the bawlings of mobs and other public assem- 
blages, in some of the European countries, particularly France, 
and Spain — such, for example, as " Live the Bourbons"~-" Suc- 
cess to absolute monarchy" and the like, given out as expressive 






MS BRIEF GENERAL REMARKS 

of the feelings and opinions of a party, or the public body ; but 
nothing is more hypocritical and absurd, than so to regard the 
yelpings of a few idlers, who haunt courts and public assembla- 
ges, and who are generally hired to give the pitch or key-no' e for 
he mob to bawl out from ; more especially in countries where 
the common freedom of opinion and expression are notoriously 

PROHIBITED. 

The sentiments and opinions of a virtuous, enlightened and free 
people, are to be ascertained, from very different manifestations. 



A stout heavy fisted painter, on exhibiting a piece of his work 
for public criticism and inspection, gave out word that he would 
hwck down the first person who found a word of fault with his 



piece ! 



This is the liberty of monarchy : You may puff and flatter those 
in power as much as you please — but woe be to the man who 
dares openly and candidly point out the real faults of their policy 
and conduct ! 



People who have had their understandings bewildered and preju- 
diced, by the bigotry, superstitious and other hypocritical arts and 
efforts of designing knaves, often act more absurdly than common 
brutes. They sometimes put one in mind of a cross or vicious 
horse, mule, or other brute animal, which will kick, bite, or do 
one some injury, when he goes to feed them, or do them an act of 
kindness. So if we attempt to reason with the slaves of bigotry 
and despotism, for their own actual and best good, it is almost an 
even chance that they become informers and instruments in the 
hands of oppressive and designing knaves, for the persecution and 
destruction of their actual and best friends. 

An example upon a large scale, may be found in the late trans- 
actions in Spain, and some other countries, where a considerable 
part of the people were brought to war with themselves — to coun- 
teract their own actual and best good ; and finally to banish or de- 
stroy their best friends. They mostly seemed insensible of the 
fact — the hypocritical and corrupt arts and efforts of school-craft, 



ON A VARIETY OF SUBJECTS. 349 

priest-craft, law-crajt, literary-craft, war-craft, and king-craft, 
have played the devil with their understandings. 

Even many of their more enlightened and liberal-minded, were 
acting a very absurd and blind part, as appeared to us ; for while 
the Spanish Cortes were professedly contending for a degree of 
light and liberty, at home, and making their greatest efforts to sus- 
tain their position, they were, at the same time, exhausting their 
feeble strength and resources, in carrying on a cruel and fruitless 
warfare, with their American brethren, (more numerous taken all 
together than themselves,) to force them to relinquish their own 
liberty and Independence, and submit to foreign control ! 



After the late general peace in Europe, in conversation with 
some of the most knowing and interested monarchists of France, 
on the best plan for subduing the spirit -of liberty that many still 
cherished, even in that devoted country, a leading tailor of Paris 
remarked, that, such was the influence and effects of dress and 
fashion, on the bodies, minds and fortunes of mankind, that he 
could do more with even his shears and needle, to bring them qui- 
etly under submission to monarchy, than the most able military 
commander of the empire, with all his veteran legions ; for art and 
management may fashion and finally lead mankind, where arms 
could not force them. 



If monarchists, or those who hold the rights and liberties of 
their fellow men in contempt, were only retaliated upon by the 
people they rob and oppress, they would shrink into insignificance, 
for they could not withstand the united force of one twentieth 
part of their victims who have one common interest. But the dif- 
ficulty of enlightening the common subjects of monarchy, in re- 
gard to their rights, abilities, and best good, and of uniting their 
efforts in establishing the same, is the great evil to overcome. 



According to the rules and policy practised by the old world 
towards their once infant, and distant colonies — after they became 
able to take dare of themselves, and desirous of so doing ; if pa- 
rents were to treat their children in like manner, every son, after 



350 BRIEF GENERAL REMARKS 

coming to the age and strength of manhood, would have to fight 
out his liberty and independence ! 



If the world was completely civilized, every considerable island, 
or distant and distinct colony, might subsist as an independent 
state, or community ; and only be bound to support such rules 
and regulations as were necessary for the general peace, security 
and happiness of mankind. Pretty much the same as it now is 
between different families and individuals in well regulated soci- 
ety — the tew, or the weak, would not be in serious danger of out- 
rage or violence from the many, or the stronger, and especially 
without remedy. There would be a natural and mutual bond of 
interest and fellow-feeling, throughout the whole human race, in 
support of civilized rights ; and any serious aggression thereon 
would call forth the united interest, attention and energy of the 
law, necessary for a prompt and efficient suppression and punish- 
ment of the outrage. 



Travelling, in different countries, and places, under judicious 
views, and circumstances ; and reading the journals of candid, 
able and well directed travellers, has a tendency to refine, enrich 
and enlarge the human mind and understanding, and to eradicate 
or correct many erroneous, contracted and local prejudices. But 
travellers and journalists, too generally confine their views and at- 
tentions, to some privileged policy, professional interest, or bigot- 
ed notion. So that they generally give us partial viewy, and er- 
roneous, or useless accounts, of countries and people, and neglect 
that information which most interests and concerns us generally, 
as a free people. We want to know something about the people 
of other countries — how they differ from ourselves, in their know- 
ledge, habits, and general condition, and particularly in regard to 
the possession and enjoyment of their essential rights and privi- 
leges. 



Giving, to beggars and others who ask alms of us, something, 
merely to get rid of them, without first inquiring into their char- 
acter and ascertaining their real circumstances and situation, gen- 



ON A VARIETY OF SUBJECTS. 351 

orally tends to encourage vagrancy and public imposture, and to 
increase the public annoyance and burdens ; for mankind gener- 
ally won't work, when they can obtain, even a miserable subsist- 
ence, by begging. 

Want begets want, and misery begets misery* Indolence and 
poverty lose their disgrace and terrors, by general sympathy and 
increase of numbers. 

Mankind will naturally cease to exert themselves in making 
provision for their own future wants and accommodation, in pro- 
portion as they see others making those provisions for them. 



Unprincipled and designing priests and lawyers, both contrive, 
by a variety of hypocritical arts and operations, to keep mankind 
by the ears as much as possible, in order to exercise their con- 
trouling powers and influence over them. Thus, in some places 
they rule together — between them ; in other countries they ride 
and rule separately, or as circumstances favour their designs. 

Each profession have been known, in some places — even in this 
country, to have their special advocates, and their separate can- 
didates for office. Thus — this is the lawyer's paper — that is the 
priest's paper ; this is the lawyer's candidate for governor, &c. and 
that is the priest's man, &c. The people could scarcely be said 
to have either paper, or candidate. Under such circumstances, it 
seemed to be considered their business, humbly to submit to the 
dictation and controul of lawyers and priests, and their special 
candidates. 

A people who are so priest-ridden, or lawyer-ridden, are to be 
pitied, if too ignorant to see through its hypocrisy and degrada- 
tion ; but they ought to bedespised and shunned, if they neglect to 
maintain their rights and self-respect, from the lack of courage 
and manliness, or from inattention to their dearest concerns. 



Some of our airy republicans, in their haste to climb to the top 
of the pole of their political ambition, have gone round and 
round, in order to find some place of more easy or rapid ascen- 
sion, until they have completely boxed the political compass. 



332 BRIEF GENERAL REMARKS 

The " era of good feelings" which has been operating on the 
government and people of this country, for several years past, has 
brought us into a state of political lethargy ; which, unless we are 
soon aroused from, to a proper sense of our situation, and duty, 
will sink our boasted national virtue, intelligence, and liberty, to 
the scorn and derision of the world. 



" Call you these Republicans ?" said a proved republican of '98 
in remarking upon the late conduct of men, who had been promo- 
ted to office, in consequence of their express will and determina- 
tion to correct abuses of power and promote the people's best good ; 
but who, after they found themselves comfortably clothed with 
public authority, began to quibble and equivocate, from time to 
time, about the manner of proceeding to effect the reforms, and 
finally found great difficulties in the way of every proposition ! 



In speaking of a man's character and qualifications to entitle 
them to public confidence and esteem, it is sometimes noticed how 
vastly clever and agreeable they seem to be : But this is often arti- 
ficial and deceptive — a gloss put "on for the moment, and which 
will not wear. Indeed, the devil is said to assume the most agree- 
able and enchanting appearances, imaginable, for the moment 
when it suits his purposes ; but then, it is soon over, when he is 
the devil again, with all his infernal ugliness, treachery and cru- 
elty. 



The exercise of every useful trade, profession or calling, should 
Ibe free to every one ; and all should be liable for the injury they 
occasion others, from the lack of adequate skill, or attention — as 
well as for a studied violation of their proper duty. 

Such a regulation might make lawyers, judges, and other licen- 
sed and official characters, a little more careful of how they play 
the devil with the rights and concerns of their employers. 



Men, from ignorance, and through a treacherous policy and de- 
sign, both, often recommend to let public evils regulate themselves 
—Just as if human wisdom, foresight, vigilance and attention, in 



ON A VARIETY OF SUBJECTS. 353 

discerning, removing, and guarding against public evils, were in- 
expedient. 

Fire, pestilence, and other public and private calamities, if no 
wise precautions are seasonably provided and applied, will come, 
and most assuredly regulate themselves — and cease, only after 
there is nothing undestroyed within their reach for them to prey 
upon ! 



Some, from ignorance, and others from design, have endeavor- 
ed to render a prompt execution of the laws, odious, when they 
operate against their particular interest, feelings, policy or designs. 
But if the laws are imperfect, or unjust, alter, or repeal them. 
Certainly, never leave it optional with any one to suspend the laws 
whenever it suits their particular interest — lest offenders should 
contrive to fee executive officers to procure their forbearance, or 
directly, or indirectly, give the amount of part of their spoil, or ill- 
gotten wealth, to enable them to escape with the rest, or somehow 
to facilitate their final evasion of justice ; and thus encourage ot 
fences against the security and common good of society ! 

We have lately seen, public officers, (who were probably under 
an oath to execute the laws against offenders, faithfully, and with- 
out delay or favor,) not only neglect their duty, (generally under 
some false or quibbling pretensions,) but actually refuse to enforce 
the laws, against some of the most notorious and infamous offen- 
ders. For instance, for the punishment and suppression of the 
late infamous, alarming and ruinous bank swindling, and other 
conspiracies to defraud stock-holders, and others ; for dealing in 
foreign lottery tickets, against positive and express law — with the 
fraudulent management of lotteries, and the ruinous gambling 
of late going on therein ; for the effectual punishment and preven- 
tion of the late extensive conspiracies to evade our general cus- 
tom-house duties, and to defraud the public revenue : And also 
the mob-like, and other daring conspiracies to ensnare, intimi- 
date and put down the actual freedom of the press ; with other 
wilful neglects, to provide and apply means for the effectual pun- 
ishment and suppression of other ruinous offences. 

45 



r 



354 BRIEF GENERAL REMARKS 

We must no longer set the wolves to guard the sheep, lest they 
somehow contrive to fatten upon the spoil thereof! 

Indolence and vice, should never be entrusted to foster and 
guard industry and virtue. 



About sixteen hundred convicts were said to have been pardon- 
ed from the State prisons of New- York, within a certain period of 
a less number of days ! They were probably tried and all the 
court expences secured, that could well be created for the benefit 
of lawyers and others concerned in the profits of law proceed- 
ings : and then, after a little time and instruction in those famous 
schools of infamy and corruption, they were let loose upon the 
unguarded public ! to try their luck again ! to practise their new- 
ly acquired arts, or improved skill in criminal and other base of- 
fences \ 



An Irishman was convicted of a criminal offence in one of the 
southern states, who said it was his misfortune to be poor — that 
if he had possessed a good sum of money, he might no doubt 
have procured absolution, through the aid and instrumentality 
of lawyers, as readily as he had formerly obtained the same by 
priests, in the Spanish dominions. 

It is pretty clear that priests are not the only profession of men 
in the world, who are interested in screening criminal and other 
offenders from merited conviction and punishment, for a portion of 
their spoil or ill-gotten wealth. 



Justice satisfies every reasonable expectation, and strikes a ter- 
ror on fraud. 



Error becomes dangerous, in proportion as the source from 
which it emanates, is elevated. 



It would be contrary to reason and the nature of things, to ex- 
pect that indolence and hypocrisy would ever truly serve the cause 
of industry, virtue and merit ; and, certainly, to entrust the for- 



ON A VARIETY OF SUBJECTS. 355 

met with the guardianship of the latter, would be the extreme of 
human absurdity and weakness. 



Those whom we employ to make and administer law, should 
never be interested or left any way to enrich or aggrandize them- 
selves, families or friends, by promoting the ignorance, depravity 
and misery, of the common people. 



We profess to despise those of the old world, who, from ignor- 
ance and the lack of fellow-feeling, bear arms, and otherways 
become instruments for keeping their fellow-men in subordina- 
tion to kings x priesthoods and other corrupt and arbitrary author- 
ities ; but how ought we to consider printers, and others of our 
own country, who prostitute their services and the noble art of 
printing, to impose on the many for the benent of the few ! 



In a country where the priests are in power, (as in the pope's 
dominions,) they might boast of being the profession that produ- 
ced the most great men ; and in an empire where the military 
bear the chief sway, (as was the case in Bonaparte's dominions,) 
they might boast that the military profession produced the great 
men ; and in a state, or nation, where the lawyers have the chief 
controul, they, too, might boast that the profession of law produ- 
ced the most great men. Something of the latter kind of boast- 
ing has actually taken place, in regard to the Suffolk " bar," in, 
some of the late Boston papers. But what does this actually 
prove, more than, that, when one profession get at the head of 
government or power, in any state, or nation, they can draw up 
after them, those of their own profession and policy, in preference 
to all others ! 



Instead of encouraging and protecting the useful labours o£> 
the mind — aiding ingenious and enterprising men to unite and 
apply their talents, capital, and industry, in the best manner, in 
promoting useful objects and undertakings, how much more- 
would it benent lawyers, to have them misapplied, or set by the. 



356 BRIEF GENERAL REMARKS 

ears, and exhaust their energies in lawsuits, and other vexatious 
and unprofitable contests 1 



The cupidity and hypocrisy of influential and leading charac- 
ters, has often perverted the public charities, by applying that 
which was designed for the prevention and relief of human want 
and misery, to the embellishment of some particular place, and 
to the elevation, enrichment or convenience, of individuals, as of- 
ficers and managers of such funds, or institutions. 



Two of the chief causes of human transgression, misery, and 
want, particularly in large cities and overcrowded settlements, 
has generally been the lack of a safe and accumulating deposit 
for the surplus earnings and accumulations, of unsettled, single, 
defenceless and inexperienced persons, and the want of candid 
and friendly advice, and, particularly in cases of trouble and em- 
barrassment. 

Seafaring people, single women, apprentices, journeymen, ser- 
vants, laborers and strangers, are generally the most exposed to 
the tricks and treachery of unprincipled and designing sharpers, 
in such cases ; and therefore are the most in need of such advice 
and protection. 



Every measure that shall encourage and enable the most de- 
fenceless, dependant, and inexperienced class of people in so- 
ciety, to promote their honest industry and self-dependence, has 
a direct, and often powerful tendency to check the main sources 
of pauperism, crimes, and human misery and degradation ; for 
those who are rescued from hazardous and despairing conditions, 
will not only be saved thereby ; but crimes and depravity will ul- 
timately decrease, both from the diminution of candidates, and 
objects for them to prey upon. 



In the early stages of human society, before mankind were 
much enlightened by experience, history, or the progress of hu- 
man science, they adapted their rules and policies of govern- 



ON A VARIETY OF SUBJECTS. 357 

ment, to the extreme ignorance or lack of knowledge among the 
people. 



Some people, from ignorance or design, have substituted cun- 
ning for wisdom, when in fact there is a total and wide differ- 
ence between the proper meaning of the two words. — 

Cunning, is of a low, frivolous or mischievous character — such 
as is often manifested in the peculiar conduct of buffoons, jug- 
glers, gamblers, pickpockets, pimps, swindlers, hypocrites and 
cheats in general ; while wisdom, is exalted, just and reasonable, 
distinguishing the truly good and great. 



Among the absurd and hypocritical maxims, propagated by de- 
signing lawyers and others interested in the increase of crimes, 
trials, and the general profits of law proceedings, is, that a person 
is presumed to be innocent, until proved guilty — although the very 
fact of a serious charge, or arrest for examination or trial, is at 
least a fair presumption, that he is believed to be guilty. 



Our aristocrats — some of whom love the people, almost as ar- 
dently as the kings of the old world love their subjects ; are pur- 
suing their game, by different routes, and under hypocritical pre- 
tensions. In one case, they study to impose rigid and unreasona- 
ble restrictions against the popular will ; and in another, they op- 
pose the restraint of ruinous public indulgences — Among which 
are unbounded excitements and indulgences in lottery, and other 
gambling, keeping tipling houses, &c. &c. 



The business of litigation, is carried on and increasing to an 
alarming extent, of late, from the practice of banishing convicts 
from one neighboring state, or nation, to another — and by the cus- 
tom of pardoning and turning loose upon our neighbors and fel- 
low beings, criminal and other offenders — after having caught, and 
tried them, and carefully secured all the profits of law proceed- 
ings, and given them a degree of fresh instruction, from the promp- 
ters and schools of villainy ; so that offenders continue their de- 
predations upon human society, and with increased skill and ea- 



35a BRIEF GENERAL REMARKS 

gerness, to the augmentation of lawyers' business and gains ; and 
finally to the promotion of the depravity and downfall of a virtuous 
and free people. 



The following is taken from a piece, in the New- York States* 
man, of August 20th, 1827, (quoted from the Mercantile Adverti- 
ser,) signed A Juror. 

" Old Convicts. — It is worthy of remark that almost every oth- 
er case, which is tried in the Court of Session, is that of old offen- 
ders. After long experience, it is evident, that our lenient sys- 
tem has been unfairly tried. The excessive lenity of Judges, has 
greatly increased the number of offenders. That portion of our 
population who live by plunder, calculate with certainty upon this 
lenity and become more daring. — Another great cause is the abuse 
of the pardoning power. No sooner is a thief convicted, than an 
attempt is made to obtain a pardon. — A stop must be put to this in 
some way or other ; jurors and judges must exercise more firm- 
ness — they must resist application on the subject. The- necessity 
of pardoning on account of the crowded state of the State Prison, 
no longer exists ; and no man ought to be pardoned but in cases 
where it is really and truly required. 

The improper use of the pardoning power has become a subject 
of general complaint, and we hope the legislature will consider 
this cause of crime at their next session. 

By examination of the records of the Court, it will be seen, that 
men are daily tried for the second, frequently for the third,, and 
there are cases where parties have been convicted for the fourth 
and fifth time, to say nothing of the number of trials they may have 
had where they have been tried and acquitted by absence of wit- 
nesses or other accidental circumstances." ♦ 



A man of large property, and of active and prudent habits, was 
accused of being miserly. No, said he, I am not miserly, for I 
enjoy all the comforts and conveniences of life that I could rea- 
sonably desire, or possess. My surplus wealth, I intend for the 
best good of my fellow beings. Not to pamper indolence, profli- 
gacy and folly ; nor to nurse and encourage pauperism : — but to 



ON A VARIETY OF SUBJECTS. 359 

be finally applied, in the best manner, for encouraging virtue, use- 
ful knowledge, industry, and the promotion of human improve- 
ment in general. 



More than one half of the labor and exertions of mankind, are 
lost for want of knowing how to make the best application and 
use of our time and talents ; — and chiefly from the lack of sea- 
sonable and proper instruction therein. 



Those who are the least able, generally pay most for what they 
have ; and chiefly from their lack of seasonable and proper in- 
struction, forethought, and habit or application. 



The following is so good a picture of a lazy and. heedless per- 
son, that I have resolved to record it. 

A traveller, overtaken by a sudden shower of rain, sought shel- 
ter in a nigh building, which he found inhabited by a stupid, lazy 
man, with a family of several ragged children, all collected to- 
gether in one room — under the only part of the roof that was ever 
shingled or finished covering — although the house had apparently 
been in that condition for several years. The traveller, astonished 
at such improvident neglect, asked the man why he did not finish 
covering his house 1 who answered and said, " It rains now, and 
I can't ; and in fair weather, it does well enough without /" 



There are many, in our own day, and country, who pay a ridic- 
ulous kind of homage, to articles of property derived from their 
ancestors or friends, that varies but little if any from idolatry. — 
Such, for instance, as keeping valuable property useless, to re- 
member ancestors or friends, by. I will briefly name a case in 
point. 

A lady had, by descent from her ancestors, several hundred 
ounces of old fashioned silver plate — which was not only useless, 
but cost her a great deal of trouble and anxiety to take care of 
and guard it from being stolen. 

On learning the circumstance, a friend made an estimate of 
what the actual use of the silver would have been worth, for the 



360 BRIEF GENERAL REMARKS 

time it had been worse than useless to its possessor, as money at 
interest, or otherwise judiciously invested in good property — and 
found that it would have more than trebled the whole amount or 
value ! and might, at the same time have increased her gratitude 
and esteem for her said ancestors. 

So much was foolishly sacrificed to the idolatrous custom of 
keeping valuable property useless, merely out of gratitude, or re- 
spect for the donors. 



In overhauling the property and concerns of a merchant or tra- 
der, it was ascertained that he had sacrificed upwards of sixteen 
thousand dollars, in about twenty years, simply by his practice 
of putting out of the way, goods, after they became unfashionable 
or unsaleable, where they were constantly growing worse, by time, 
and injuries occasioned by moths, rust, &c. Besides occupying 
room that might otherways have been useful. Instead of selling 
off the articles for what they would have fetched at private or 
public sale, at the various times they were put away, or lay as use* 
less lumber in the store, and the amount of what they would have 
fetched, put at interest, or judiciously employed, or invested in 
good property. 

So much was sacrificed from a stupid or heedless practice of 
letting valuable property lie useless, or go to ruin by decay, for the 
want of a little thoughtful attention. This only shows what may 
be found in various other branches of our concerns, from the 
lack of a little forethought, calculation and attention. An over- 
hauling of our useless property, and a review of our concerns, 
in general, once in a while, is very important. 



The order and management of bees, is held out by designing 
advocates of monarchy, as an indication of Divine Providence, 
in favour of a system of government, where one is fixed far above 
all the rest. But the king or queen bee, as they call it, is only 
the mother of a family ; and every new swarm or emigration from 
the parent hive, has a mother. 

While the instructive justice and wisdom, taught by the exam- 
ple of these industrious little insects, in casting off their drones, 



ON A VARIETY OF SUBJECTS. 361 

\instead of pampering and almost worshipping them, as the slaves 
of monarchy and aristocracy do their drones,) seems to have been 
left in silence to speak for itself. 



Such ill tempered, and unappropriate learning for the common 
people, as was designed for the support of kings and provileged 
orders of men, doubtless the great poet meant, where he says, 
"A little learning is a dangerous thing/ 5 And because it gene- 
rally tends to enslave mankind. 



When I hear people of the slave states, threaten a dissolution 
of the federal union, it puts me in mind of a married woman, 
who, from a design to torment her good and indulgent husband^ 
or from her insanity of mind, frequently threatened to make way 
with herself; and who, in one of those strange moments, ran out 
to a man who was chopping wood nigh the house, and asked him 
to cut her head off. The man, good naturedly told her, to lay her 
head on the log he was chopping, and he would cut it off at a 
blow. As she laid her head on the log, he raised his ax, as if to 
give the fatal blow, but, designedly struck the log a distance from 
her with the head of his axe — when she sprang up and ran off 
screaming murder ! murder 1 she said the man was going to hill 
her J 



Notifying delinquent subscribers to newspapers and like pub- 
lications, that the same will be continued to them until all arrear- 
ages are paid — as a threat or sort of punishment for their dishon- 
esty — without knowing whether they are able, or ever intend to 
pay, is about equal to infoiming them, that, if they won't pay, they 
shall continue to receive the same for nothing, until they are 

TIRED OF IT ! 

Something like the notice given the Irishman, who was told, 
by a washer- woman, who espied him retreating from her clothes 
yard with a stolen shirt, that he would pay for it at the day of 
judgment." " Faith, madam," replied the Irishman, " if you will 
wait so long, I'll e'ens take another /" 

4G 



362 BRIEF GENERAL REMARKS 

A college learned man, in a written controversy with a mediae 
ic, briefly concluded his arguments with a line or two of latin ; 
to which the mechanic replied, giving the apparent pith of his 
argument in crooked words, that really had no standard meaning. 
After the classical gentleman had puzzled his head, in vain, to 
find out their meaning, he wrote for an explanation ; to which the 
mechanic replied, that he would deal more honourably, than he 
had been dealt by ; and that the words which had so puzzled his 
classical and learned antagonist, really meant that, 

A hypocrite vanquished in his own play, is iivice beat ! 



It is contended, by some, that a knowledge pf the dead langua- 
ges is necessary, to enable a complete comprehension and under- 
standing of the living tongue — by getting at the roots — the ety- 
mology or derivation of words. But if our dictionaries properly 
explain the true meaning -and application of words in use, it will 
obviate the necessity of our all turning etymologists, or learning 
two or more languages in order to understand one. 



The knaves and little tyrants of this country, are as much op- 
posed to an actual free press, and to human improvement in gener- 
al, as the knaves and overgrown tyrants of the old world. They 
have actually managed to exercise a kind of secret censorship 
over the press, in many, if not in most parts of our country, so 
as to have rendered it difficult and hazardous to print and circu- 
late, any matter particularly criticising on their policy and con- 
duct. In proportion to their power and influence, they are secret- 
ly or openly as hostile to human improvement, as the league of 
tyrants of the old world ; and have already played the devil with 
some of our most important improvements, and their authors and 
promoters. 

But why should not knaves and tyrants dread the progress of 
truth and justice, about them, as much in one country, as anoth- 
er 1 Their trades are essentially the same, and darkness and 
terror are their shield and protection. And, certainly, every 
thing that has a tendency to improve the knowledge and under- 
standing of the common people, and to increase their independ- 
ence, peace, security, prosperity and happiness, must be against 



ON A VARIETY OP SUBJECTS. 363 

the policy and designs of knaves and tyrants generally, both little 
and big, wherever they may be. 



A knave or tyrant, however small, is nevertheless opposed to 
truth and justice, and inclined to baffle or crush their progress 
and existence, in proportion to his means, as though he had un- 
limited power ; and the more he is indulged, the stronger and 
more daring becomes his outrages, and evil designs. 



Like the unprincipled inquisitors and despots of the old world; 
ours, also, have spies, tale-hearers, false-witnesses, and undertakers, 
to carry on their work and designs. Sometimes they undertake to 
lie down their intended victims. 



Our unprincipled litigious inquisitors, like the holy inquisitors 
of the old world, make great use of bankrupts, the personal ene- 
mies of their intended victims, and people of desperate fortunes 
and characters, to aid their frauds* oppressions and cruelties. 



It was oolite fashionable, at one time, for certain characters to 
insult our common people, by^ styling them clod-hoppers, the swir 
nish multitude, and the like. The fashion, has, however, most 
wonderfully and fearfully changed ; and men of the same charac- 
ter and designs, now fatter, the common people. 

There is generally much more danger to be apprehended from 
the smiles and fatteries of an enemy, than from their open inso- 
lence and avowed hostility. 



Our colleges, have generally been schools of privileged orders 
— nurseries of aristocratic pride, habits, ideas, policy and inter- 
ests. 



An old revolutionary officer on hearing some slight remarks 
made upon the dress and appearance, of the men at a country 
muster or training, compared with those of the city, said — " Give 
me one thousand of those plain dressed, athletic and brave "coun- 
try lads," and.I will conquer /ye thousand of your (l city dandies,*' 



364 BRIEF GENERAL REMARKS 

in the ordinary course of the war-fare of our country. Three fros- 
ty nights would kill an army of your fair-weather soldiers — your 
silk-stocking gentry. It was pretty much such looking men as 
some of you now pretend to despise,, who mainly achieved our na- 
tional liberty and independence ; and who have chiefly sustained 
us ever since, by their industry,, virtue and firmness. 

" I will hold that man infamous , who shall attempt to trifle with 
the virtuous and firm supporters and defenders of this blessed land 
of liberty. But, let me tell you, most of these industrious and 
plain dressed country people, have as little esteem and respect for 
many of your city folks — with their frivolous show of dress, mon- 
key airs, and empty, hypocritical characters, as any of you pre- 
tend to entertain for them." The country can live without the 
city ; but what could the city do without the country ! Thank 
God, our rights and prospects are based on something of more 
permanent and intrinsic worth, than the quick-sands of a numer- 
ous and corrupt city population. 



We should endeavor to do away, as much as possible, every un- 
necessary grant and exercise of discretionary or indefinite author- 
ity, as it has a powerful tendency to nurse and indulge a spirit of 
aristocracy and despotism. 

Emperors, kings, military commanders in chief, governors of 
states and provinces, mayors of cities, and judges of courts, are in 
the habit of issuing their decrees, and of promulgating their special 
authorities, by proclamations ; by which each one exercises different 
degrees of sovereignty, and probably feels a proportionate con- 
tempt for those he conceives below him. Even the assessors of 
taxes, in some places, invested with a degree of discretionary or 
indefinite authority, have indulged an unjust and shameful par- 
tiality towards individuals. Every excessive power or indulgence 
of authority, has a direct and powerful tendency to destroy that 
sense of equality, and confidence in public authorities, which are 
essential to our existence and prosperity, as a free people. 

The issuing of proclamations, by chief executive authorities, of- 
ferring special rewards for the discovery and arrest of capital of- 
fenders, has a tendency to delay common justice, in some instan- 
ces, and finally, to produce unjust and odious distinctions and par- 



ON A VARIETY OF SUBJECTS. 36 i 

tialities among mankind. The pursuit of offenders should never 
be delayed a moment for the proclamation of authority, or the of- 
fer of a suitable reward. 

Neither should there ever be a partial value set upon human 
lives, by public authority. The perpetration of a murder or cap- 
ital outrage upon a wealthy or influential person or family, (a class 
of people the most able to take care of themselves,) is much more 
likely to call forth the sympathy and special aid of a chief magis- 
trate, than if committed upon a poor and defenceless class of peo- 
ple, who most need the humanity and special protection of gov- 
ernment. • 



While the people professedly exercise political sovereignty over 
a state or country, they should never attempt to evade an indirect 
responsibility for the conduct of their agents ; and surely they can 
never exonerate themselves, for the continued misconduct of those 
whom they have the exclusive power of appointing, restricting and 
controlling. 



"What must be the character, and ultimate condition, of a coun- 
try, or people, where a man has more to fear from doing good, 
than evil — perhaps more injury to apprehend to his person, repu- 
tation, or fortune, from acting the useful and noble part of a pa- 
triot or public benefactor, than from playing the knave, the ty- 
rant, or public despoiler ? more actual harm to dread from detect- 
ing and exposing a defaulter, knave, or swindler, than from outra- 
ging virtue, robbing merit, or defaming human excellence l 



Can there well be more base, hypocritical and unmanly transac- 
tions, of a country or people — after having outlawed an indi- 
vidual of extraordinary virtue, genius, and public worth — perhaps- 
compelled him, by their envy, rapacity, excessive stupidity, mean- 
ness, or cruelty, to abandon his nativity, or home, and seek protec- 
tion and encouragement of strangers, in a foreign country, where 
his merits had been duly ackowledged and rewarded, and he ulti- 
mately pronounced a public benefactor — than for them, then, after 



366 BRIEF GENERAL REMARKS 

this, to attempt to compliment themselves, with a kindred birth 
place or habitation ? 

The fact is, the strangers who treated the man of worth with 
becoming justice and liberality, are entitled to honor, in such case, 
and those who outraged the good man, should be stamped with 
due and proportionate infamy and disgrace. A virtuous and en- 
lightened public, would naturally honor and reward a prophet, or 
public benefactor, in his own day, and country. 



People act very absurdly, when, after one error, they commit nu- 
merous others to conceal the first. This is truly making bad 
worse. Like inventing and deliberately employing a dozen false- 
hoods, to patch up and conceal one hasty or inconsiderate misrep- 
resentation, or other single fault. 



Subscribing for the publication of books, or prints, or agreeing 
to take them at a given price, before we know their actual con- 
tents, materials, execution and merits or final worth, is something 
like the boys' method of trading knives, &,c. " unsight — unseen!" 

If a book, or print, has intrinsic merit enough to recommend 
and sell itself, there seldom is an occasion for teazing the public 
with subscription papers, or in retailing the article beforehand, by 
proxy. 

If the actual amount of expenses for soliciting and obtaining 
single subscriptions, and delivering and getting the pay, was fair- 
ly deducted from the true value of meritorious and useful books, 
and prints, there would be enough dealers to take at wholesale, 
all that the demand would fairly justify. 



The speeches of individuals, delivered in our national and state 
legislatures, often include the joint labors of many ; who, from 
party motives, or some local, or other particular interest or object, 
join and assist one of their squad, or number, to make notes, col- 
lect and prepare matter for a speech. 

Thus, speeches delivered, and particularly those published, of* 
ten bear a very erroneous idea of the real knowledge and abilities 
of the person to whose credit they are actually set down. 






ON A VARIETY OF SUBJECTS. 3G7 

This is generally calculated to set off the individuals, whose 
names they go in, far above their real merits ; and no doubt has a 
powerful tendency to the rage for speech-making : And which is 
becoming ridiculous, if not dangerous, to many of our dearest in- 
terests and public concerns ; for when a member has conceived and 
become pregnant with matter for a big speech, he is generally use- 
less for other business, until he has got rid of it to his mind, and 
frequently manifests as much uneasiness and anxiety for delivery^ 
as a cat in the last stages of travail ! 

The Grecians, and Romans, before the art of printing came in- 
to use, through which to instruct and enlighten the public, by the 
circulation of printed matter, were under the necessity of much 
declamation or public speaking. 



Deception in Courtship introductory to Matrimony, 

There is no deception, perhaps, productive of more pernicious 
consequences to society, than that which is frequently practised in 
courtship introductory to matrimony : for while the woman is em- 
ploying art to disguise her person, or character, and deceive her 
suitor in matters or things that concern his future enjoyment, she 
very little thinks that she is sowing the seeds of future jealousy — 
the bane of conjugal happiness ; nor does the man consider, when 
he is making false vows, and vain pretensions, to deceive the ob- 
ject of his embraces in that which regards the happiness of a 
married life, that he is poisoning his own cup, and laying the 
foundation for future misery. 

In short ; all deception, practised by either party during court- 
ship, introductory to matrimony, tends to destroy that mutual con- 
fidence, so essential to conjugal happiness ; and generally termin- 
ates in jealousy, strife, debauchery, and all manner of evil conse- 
quences. 

To jocky or cheat in the deal of brute animals, is base and 
fraudulent, and the laws provide a penalty for the offence ; but 
how much more base and infamous ought it to be considered, to 



3o8 BRIEF GENERAL REMARKS 

jocky and cheat in the solemn contract of matrimony — made be* 
fore Heaven, between two human beings, concerning their happi- 
ness and misery, in the highest degree ! 



Wonderful Contrast in the Female Character. 

There is no being on earth, more pleasing as a companion, 
and seldom any more useful as a member of civil society, than 
woman — when nature and art have contributed to render her the 
most excellent of her sex. The natural beauty and gracefulness 
of her person ; the sweetness and vivacity of her temper, espe- 
cially when aided by a judicious education, make her truly, the 
fairest part of creation. On the contrary, when nature has not 
been bountiful, but more especially when education and reason 
has been neglected, woman often becomes the most vile and dis- 
gusting monster in society — alike regardless of justice, cleanli- 
ness, humanity, or shame for her sex. 

The passions of women, are generally quicker, and warmer, 
than those of men ; consequently they are, as nature or education 
may have particularly inclined them, often the most faithful pat- 
rons of virtue and humanity, or the vilest instruments of vice and 
depravity. Satan, certainly betrayed no ordinary knowledge of 
the human character, when he selected his instrument for the 
original seduction of mankind. 



Jealousy, originates from two opposite and distinct causes. — 
The excessive cravings, malignance, desires and indulgences, of 
some, induce them to suspect that their neighbours and fellow-be- 
ings are dictated by the same evil inclined impulse or inclination 
as themselves ; and those of the most virtuous habits and disposi- 
tion, may be taught to consider certain characters, and appearan- 
ces, with scrupulous apprehensions. 

Hence, some people can hardly be persuaded to take sufficient, 
precautions against the hypocrisy, treachery and malice of their 
fellow-beings. Honest and reasonably disposed, themselves, they 



ON A VARIETY OF SUBJECTS. 369 

are naturally inclined to consider others so, too — until they have 
learned otherwise : while others, urged by the unceasing dictates 
of a malignant and corrupt temper, habit or disposition, are sus- 
picious, without just or reasonable cause. Rogues or made fools, 
themselves, they are apt to think the world so, too. 



Mankind seldom declare any thing, which they do not know, 
believe, or hope to be true. Hence, if a person say you will be 
beat, in a particular suit at law, or that you will be unsuccessful, 
or any way unfortunate, in any particular interest, enterprise or 
undertaking, it is evident he has knowledge of some particular 
facts or circumstances to justify his belief, or that he only hopes 
the result will be as he has declared. In either of the former ca- 
ses, it is obviously his duty, as a neighbour, good citizen, or fel- 
low-being, to explain himself, and give the particular facts, or rea- 
sons on which he founds his belief ; but, if he has knowledge pf 
any thing that would justify his predictions, and withholds tfye 
same from you, or if he only hopes the result will be as he has de- 
clared, in either case, the arts are base and unmanly. 

In this way, people frequently betray a malicious or-urrfriendly 
disposition, without being fully sensible of their inconsistency. 



As mankind become depraved in mind, or lose their faculties of 
reason, just so in proportion do they generally profess to hate those 
of an opposite character. Hence lunatics or mad men, often 
strive to injure their natural and best friends ; and hence vicious 
and corrupt characters, generally study to annoy the most virtuous 
and best people in society. But it is evident that the hatred of 
the latter, proceeds, rather from fear and policy, than from a 
sense of any thing that is really bad in human virtue and excel- 
lence. Extreme ignorance and depravity cannot bear the light 
and contrast of wisdom and virtue. A corrupt and depraved 
monster, sickens at the very thoughts of an excellent and upright 
man. They hypocritically profess to hate, that which they actu- 
ally admire, and even envy, but which they have neither the cour- 
age, wisdom, nor patience, to attain. Vicious and depraved char- 
acters, dread the contrast of truth and virtue, because it exposes 

47 



370 BRIEF GENERAL REMARKS 

their crookedness and inferiority. But when any thing is really 
bad in its nature and tendency, we hate it, sincerely. 

Hence, too, bad governments, or corrupt and unprincipled men 
in power, generally study to annoy and sacrifice the best men in 
society, for the gratification and benefit of the worst — sacrifice 
virtue, industry, and true merit, to pamper and indulge indolence, 
vice and folly, 



Fruits of 'political imbecility and corruption. 

In some places, men get rid of their debts, by their own acts of 
insolvency. 

In such cases, the individual who thinks proper to fail, gener- 
ally selects two or three of his particular friends, to whom he pri- 
vately assigns, what he pleases to call his property, for distribution 
among his creditors, according as he has chose to class or rate 
their particular claims. And thus, in some places, every bank- 
rupt or failing character, makes a law particularly to suit himself ! 
If any of the creditors refuse to abide by his law — that is, if they 
object to take the amount, or proportion of property assigned for 
them, and give up or discharge their claims, they are generally 
made to understand, that, if they persist in their determination, 
they will lose the whole of their claim, as the debtor will consume 
the property in his expenses of living, and in fighting them in law, 
if they attempt to enforce a collection of their dues. 

Notwithstanding all this indulgence to bankrupts, insolvents, or 
failing characters , some have the hypocrisy and impudence to 
complain, and whine about their hard case, and style themselves 
unfortunate insolvent debtors — but seldom a word do we hear about 
the truly unfortunate and abused creditors t who are continually 
swindled out of their property, in this way. 

After all this, if an honest creditor or other person has the dis- 
cernment to detect the knavery and hypocrisy of a swindling debt- 
or, and makes the facts known to his neighbors ; or if any one 
aas the courage to make frequent and special notice of the knav- 



ON A VARIETY OF SUBJECTS. 371 

ery and fraud of individuals in such cases— -perhaps their retiring 
from business upon a fortune thus swindled out of their poor cre- 
ditors ; or if a cheated creditor or other person has the spirit to re- 
sent the insolence, haughtiness or airs of some of these exonerated 
bankrupts soon after their pretended misfortunes ; it is quite pro- 
bable, by so doing, where, and while such a loose state of morals 
and of the laws, or their execution exist, (actually encouraging 
swindling,) he may be threatened with some outrage or infliction of 
the club laiv. 



There is no considerable body of men often assembled in this 
country, more puffed for their talents, learning, experience and 
patriotism, than those who have had the principal making and al- 
teration of our constitutions — (who are mostly lawyers ;) and 
yet, if a dozen farmers and mechanics, of good common sense 
and information, could not be found in almost any populous coun- 
ty, that could have devised a more just and efficient rule for ap- 
pointing senators for congress, than appears in practice, of late, in 
several of our state legislatures, they certainly ought to be pitied 
for their ignorance and want of capacity. 

When the two houses of a state legislature disagree in their 
choice of a senator for congress, let there be a joint ballot — and 
especially if the few persist in attempts to govern the many ; and 
if there is no one who has a majority of the whole number of 
votes given in joint ballot on the first vote, then let the second 
vote be for one of the three highest candidates, and the third for 
one of the two highest ; and if there should possibly be an exact 
tie in any case or stage of the business, let it be decided by the 
casting vote of the presiding officer. 

This would afford a just, expeditious and sure mode of electing 
senators for congress ; and which I recommend to the people of 
Pennsylvania, New-York, Connecticut, New-Hampshire, Massa- 
chusetts, and some other states. 

Some think we have got a new fangled aristocracy organizing 
in this country — the few striving to controul the many, by a com- 
bination of privileged interests, and an obstinate adherence f© 
iheir own will 



372 BRIEF GENERAL REMARKS 

King-craft, priest-craft, and other hypocritical artifices of un- 
principled and designing men, has perverted the true meaning 
and proper application of words to their base and crooked de- 
signs and purposes. Thus, in the true style of this language and 
policy, we find rakes, profligates and libertines, called high fel- 
lows — when in strict truth and veracity, they are low characters ; 
and when a person is enticed or prompted to a base action, it is 
called, in this language, putting them up to it — just as if vice was 
the upward, and virtue the downward way of life. Those, too, 
who have taken the lead in playing the devil with mankind, have 
sometimes assumed the titles of (His) " holiness" ; " Most Catho- 
lic" (majesty ;) " Most Christian" —(His) " excellency" — (His) 
"grace" — "Right reverend" — "Right honourable" — "Most 
worshipful" and the like hypocritical, absurd and pernicious per- 
versions of the true meaning and proper application of words. 



It appears quite common, I would almost say fashionable , with 
some people — who profess to lament the ruinous excitements and 
indulgences in lottery gambling, and drunkenness, to impute the 
evil to " the rabble" — (just as if they ruled in society,) and say 
there is no remedy for the evils, in the present state of our politi- 
cal affairs, as it would render unpopular, whoever should under- 
take to make or enforce good and wholesome laws and regulations 
for their correction. The simple truth is, the farmers and me- 
chanics, who constitute three-fourths of our freemen or electors, 
generally are subjected to the most burdens and other injuries, 
by the progress of these evil excitements and indulgences ; and 
nine-tenths of whom are interested in their correction and re- 
straint, and wherever their interests and wishes have been duly 
consulted and regarded, the business has been effectually done. 

The people of the state of New- York, in order to regulate and 
restrain their legislators more effectually in the performance of 
their duty and prevent further mischief, have expressly forbid 
them, by the provisions of their new constitution, from granting 
any more lotteries. This language is unequivocal of the virtue 
and good sense of the people, when and wherever they are duly 
consulted and regarded. 



ON A VARIETY OF SUBJECTS. 373 

In order to understand this business fairly, we must see who — 
what profession, class of men, or persons individually or collect- 
ively, are instrumental, or interested in furnishing the means of 
excessive drinking, and gambling, and in the fruits of intemper- 
ance generally — in the promotion of human ignorance 1 poverty 1 
ill health ? embarrassments 1 crimes ? and degradation 1 — Who 
are they ? Surely not the farmers and mechanics, who are inter- 
ested in directly the reverse. Their interest and true glory chiefly 
depends on the general prevalence of human knowledge, sobriety, 
industry, prosperity and happiness. 



True courage, is presence of mind, wisely exercised in peril- 
ous situations, or exerted in cases of extreme danger. 

It mainly consists in encountering dangers under standingly — 
necessarily, and wisely, to remove some existing evil, or to com- 
bat and ward off impending injuries, or to guard against approach- 
ing troubles, and finally to gain relief, security, or some benefit, 
by resolute and discerning exertions. 

To encounter hazards ignorantly, or unnecessarily, evinces stu- 
pidity and folly, or any thing, rather than true bravery. 

A truly brave action, is founded in superior virtue and wisdom. 

An honest and well informed man, wisely acting in a good 
cause, feels a conscientious approbation and support, that makes 
him resolute, bold and determined. But a person knowingly act- 
ing against the cause of justice and humanity, often trembles at 
the mere rustling of a leaf. 



National glory, is the just fruits of superior virtue and know- 
ledge, in a nation or people. A true pride of character, or an 
exultation understandingly resulting from the possession and ex- 
ercise of exalted virtue and wisdom. But to plunder, slaughter, 
or enslave our fellow-beings ; and especially because they are not 
so polite, accomplished, numerous, warlike or expert in the use of 
arms, as their assailants ; or because they were peculiarly vulner- 
able or exposed in their local situation, property or concerns ; or 
in consequence of some overruling calamity, misfortune or dis- 
tress ; or from their being off their guard, or putting too much 



374 BRIEF GENERAL REMARKS 

confidence in the justice, good faith, or civilized character of their 
neighbours or assailants ; ought to brand a nation or people with 
infamy, rather than honour. 



Extract from the published proceedings of the New- York state 
legislature. 

" The speaker presented a report from the clerk of Monroe 
county, of the number of appeals from justices' courts made in 
the county, which report was made at the request of the grand 
jury, and by direction of the court. 

The clerk reports that during the year 1826, 114 justices' re- 
turns were filed on appeals. 

Forty-two causes were tried, in which 261 witnesses were 
sworn. 

Costs in 28 causes in which records have been filed, amount to 
$1161. 

In the remaining cases the probable amount of costs is 
$535 44. Total $1701 44. 

And the whole amount for which verdicts were rendered is 
only $545 57. 

In the remaining 72 causes, which are either pending or have 
been settled or dismissed by the court, the probable cost is $8 
on each side, which amounts to $1152, which sum, added to 
$1701 44, makes a total of $2852 44 ; the amount of costs on 
appeals in that county, in one year, besides expenses not taxable 
in loss of time, of parties and witnesses." 

Here may be seen the ruinous progress of litigation, as cultiva- 
ted and managed, from small beginnings, by persons interested in 
instituting, perplexing and prolonging, unnecessary, vexatious and 
expensive law squabbles. 

Had it not been for the aid, advice or design of lawyers ; and 
perhaps a few others like themselves, interested or habituated in 
promoting unnecessary, perplexing, and expensive law systems 
and proceedings, probably most of the suits never would have 
been brought ; and many of the rest of the cases would have 
been settled, or the actions complied with without trial or any ac- 
tual and serious resistance to justice ; and few or none of the par- 



ON A VARIETY OF SUBJECTS, 375 

ties would have been so unwise as to have appealed, and particu- 
larly under such vexatious, expensive and ruinous circumstances. 



Every unnecessary or injudicious delegation or grant of au- 
thority, has a general tendency to diminish the liberty, influence 
and power of those who give it, and to increase the power and in- 
fluence of those who receive it. Hence it is bad policy for indi- 
viduals, and for communities in general, to delegate more, or 
higher authorities, than is actually necessary for judiciously con- 
ducting their respective concerns. 

A virtuous and enlightened people, would therefore be cautious 
how they granted special privileges to individuals, singly, or col- 
lectively, and how they enlarged the authority of men for public 
purposes. Licenses, investing individuals with special indulgen- 
ces, and those incorporating associations of men with peculiar 
privileges, for whatever purpose ; and commissions, and acts in- 
vesting individuals with special authorities for public purposes, 
are cases most commonly indulged. 

In delegating authority to the federal government, the states 
should grant no more, nor greater powers, than what were actually 
necessary for the judicious management of the general concern ; 
and these, as well as all other grants of public authority, should 
be correctly and explicitly defined. 

Besides, every additional grant of power, generally increases 
the expectations and demands of those invested with them. Men 
will very naturally expect an increased rate of compensation, as 
you elevate their rank, power or employment. Greater wages will 
generally be expected for serving the public, than for like per- 
formances for individuals ; and more for fulfilling an engagement 
ander the national government, than for a like office or agency 
rendered to a state. 

Hence, although the public means are far greater than those of 
any individual, it often costs the public much more to carry into 
operation an undertaking, than it would a private individual, or 
even a common company concern. The Cumberland road is a 
memorable evidence of public extravagance and mismanagements 



376 BRIEF GENERAL REMARKS 

In the ancient world, to discourage lives and deeds of consid- 
erable virtue and public usefulness — to render actions of distin- 
guished beneficence and humanity, unnecessarily difficult and 
hazardous, cruelties were practised, and martyrdom generally clo- 
sed the lives of public benefactors ; and, after they were dead, 
the knaves and tyrants of society, sometimes sainted them, or 
otherways hypocritically exalted their character as much above 
their actual merits, as they had kept them below, while living. — 
This was done, as is even practised at the present day, by some, to 
hoist actual merit out of the common reach — to check the pro- 
gress of true civilization — a correct knowledge and practice of 
truth, justice, virtue, and human improvement. 

Some biographers, from the same error, sometimes attempt to 
make out, in the life and character of those who have acquired 
distinguished excellence, that in their birth or nature, something 
extraordinary had been indicated about them. As much as to 
say, to those who have none of these wonderful indications of na- 
ture in their favour, that it would be vain or useless for them to 
attempt the acquisition of any considerable degree of merit, or 
human excellence ! 

Satan, certainly could not have devised a more efficient meth- 
od of discouraging emulation to deeds and lives of distinguished 
virtue and human excellence. 



Imputing corruption, deceit, or evil designs, to the human heart, 
is absurd, since the heart is not an organ of perception, compari- 
son and reflection, susceptible of entertaining ideas, thought, mo- 
tive, choice, intention or design. The head contains the organs 
of perception, thought, reason, will and design, that chiefly guide 
and rule the voluntary actions of rational beings. 

" Reason's comparing balance rules the whole.'' 

It is the mind — the human understanding, that is susceptible of 
corruption, by being impressed with false ideas, and misdirected 
by hypocritical examples, and thereby perverting the human fac- 
ulties to base designs and purposes. 



ON A VARIETY OF SUBJECTS. 377 

Malice and treachery, are harboured, cultivated, and directed, 
by the human will. " The mind is the standard of the man." 

Passions are the elements of life — the current and the wind 
that propels, while reason hands the sails and guides the helm of 
life : or, to use a more modern emblem — the heart is the boiler^ 
that unconsciously ejects the propelling fluid, and the head is the 
steward, engineer, and pilot, that provides fuel and water, regu- 
lates the operations of the machinery, and guides the helm. 

To impute motive or design to the current, wind, or steamer, 
would be ridiculous, since they are incapable of reason or under- 
standing — like the simple organ through which the invigorating 
fluid of animal life involuntarily rushes into its arterial conduct- 
ors. 

Imputing moral depravity and imperfection to the works and 
involuntary operations of nature, is charging the Creator with 
turpitude, injustice, and imperfection ; and, of course, exonera- 
ting the creature from the charge of moral depravity, corruption 
and evil designs. 

With individuals, as with nations, and communities of long 
standing, the head, and not the body, is the general seat of cor- 
ruption. 

Properly speaking, the heart of a healthy and perfectly made 
man, is never bad — but the mind is often shockingly corrupted, 
the understanding bewildered and depraved, and the human fac- 
ulties thereby perverted to base designs and purposes. 

Sailors call a healthy and generous minded man, a fellow of 
good pluck : this appears more to the purpose, as a well construct- 
ed and healthy state of the liver, and lights or lungs, (which to- 
gether with the heart constitute the pluck,) materially affects our 
temper and disposition. 

Finally — " the mind is the standard of the man" — the centre 
and seat of intellectual knowledge — the ruler of the voluntary ao 
fionsof all rational beings. 

4$ 



37S BRIEF GENERAL REMARKS 

The Power and Worth of a Good Moral Sense and Habit. 

Practice is far more powerful than precept : for although we 
may specify very correctly the obligations and duties of human 
beings, yet the letter of the law may be evaded ; while the exam- 
ple and practice of just and wise rules, carries a language and 
force that cannot easily be mistaken or evaded. 

In proportion as a sound and valuable coin is put into circula- 
tion, the debased currency disappears ; and truth, justice, and 
merit prosper. 

When respectable married ladies refused to associate with kept 
mistresses, it effected far more than the written law to break up 
the custom. 

If mechanics and manufacturers would resolve not to encour- 
age runaway apprentices — by refusing to employ those who come 
to them without a proper discharge from the obligations of their 
apprenticeship, and a certificate of good character, it would do 
more to restrain giddy-headed youth, and to maintain the fidelity 
and respectability of minor apprenticeships, than perhaps all our 
legal regulations, without such a practice. 



Were I to choose the condition of my birth, education and for- 
tune, I would prefer to be born of honest parents, in moderate 
circumstances, and to possess a good constitution, and natural 
talents, and to be brought up in habits of virtue, industry and use- 
fulness, and regularly to increase my information and fortune, 
with the progress of years. If a person was wisely and properly 
educated and instructed, they might be taught to have rational 
ideas of adversity and prosperity, without experiencing any con- 
siderable degree of the actual miseries of life ; and thus their 
whole lives might be rendered one continual scene of temperate 
and rational enjoyments. 



Acts of incorporation, for companies allowed to contract debts 
upon the faith of their alleged capital, should never exempt the 
private property of the stock holders from the final fulfilment of 



ON A VARIETY OF SUBJECTS. 379 

their engagements ; for if there is no danger of their failure, the 
responsibility is merely nominal ; but if there is an actual hazard 
in assuring the fulfilment of their engagements, certainly the risk 
ought to fall upon those who are to be immediately benefitted by 
the concern ; more especially as they have the keeping, manage- 
ment and controul of the property and business of the concern. 



If banking privileges are really worth considerable sums of 
money, why do our public servants give them away ? and espe- 
cially for the particular benefit of a few wealthy or speculative in- 
dividuals ? Why not rather sell the privileges for the public ben- 
efit, at what they are actually worth, under such regulations and 
restrictions as amply to secure the public against any losses or in- 
jury from loose or improper transactions. 



It is very easy to lay banking and other company concerns, un- 
der such restrictions and regulations, as to guard the public 
against any serious injury from their transactions ; and no doubt 
this would always be the case, if those who have the chief man- 
agement in making and administering the laws, had not, unfortu- 
nately, a different and distinct interest from the common good. — - 
We have heard no complaints of late years from the numerous 
banks and other company concerns in the state of Rhode-Island ; 
and most probably because the people, and not the lawyers, chief- 
ly govern in that state ; and, of course, endeavour to make and 
administer laws for their own general use, protection, and the 
promotion of the common good. This is a proud monument to 
the justice and wisdom of the people of Rhode-Island, more es- 
pecially at this unparalleled period of bank and other coihpany 
sicindling— 1 825-6. 



Suppose the laws should restrict the holding of bank stock — so 
that not less than a certain number should be allowed to controul 
the stock of any banking concern — varying their number in some 
measure to the amount of capital invested in the institution ; that 
no person should be allowed to hold bank stock to more than one 
third, or one half the amount of the free and clear property tfcey 



mo BRIEF GENERAL REMARKS 

were actually worth ; and that their private property should he 
holden to an equal amount of their bank stock, for the final pay- 
ment of the debts of the concern. 



We employ public agents to inspect provisions, lumber, and a 
variety of articles of merchandize, to guard the public against 
fraud in their quantity, quality, and condition ; while the issuing 
of bank bills — the currency of the country — the common reward 
for labour — the most sought for exchange for property generally — 
as to their essential quality and fitness for public intelligence and 
security, and the amount put in circulation from each bank re- 
spectively, are pretty much left to the ignorance and cupidity of 
interested, designing and irresponsible individuals, without an ef- 
ficient public inspection and controul. 

If there was a uniform stamp — an accurate impression of con- 
siderable size, of some kind of work the most difficult to coun- 
terieit, put on all the bills of every bank and denomination exact- 
ly aiike — under the inspection and controul of a public agent, to 
serve as a kind of public test, or general standard for genuine 
bills, lawfully issued, it would be of great use and importance to 
the public generally. Magistrates, and the public in general 
might be thus furnished with a convenient and infallible guide to 
detect counterfeits by ; the banks, as well as individuals, might be 
easily restrained, by this regulation, from all unlawful issues of 
bills." 

If these hints were duly attended to, the good people of this 
country would soon cease to be robbed of their earnings and prop- 
erty, and the weak and unwary corrupted, by the arts and efforts 
ef counterfeiters, bank-swindlers, and their aids and participators. 



Adventuring in lotteries, is" a kind of secret and silent gambling, 
that tends powerfully — and particularly where it is encouraged, to 
the waste and destruction of the very elements of genuine repub- 
licanism — the justice, equality and self-dependence of the people 
=— by deluding, impoverishing and corrupting the many for the 
benefit of the few ; and finally plunging its hapless victims, from 



OIS T A VARIETY OF SUBJECTS. 381 

a condition of comparative virtue and self-dependence, into a state 
of despair, depravity, poverty and servitude. 

Paris, and other fashionable hotbeds and nurseries of vice and 
monarchy in Europe, make great use of lotteries to promote their 
objects ; and no doubt many of the leading promoters of lotteries 
in this country, at the present day, hypocritically aim at the de- 
pravity and downfall of a virtuous and free people. 



The cause of truth and virtue, is so self-evident, and manifest- 
ly reasonable, just and humane, that even knaves and tyrants, in 
pursuing their unjust and cruel purposes, upon an open and learn- 
ed scale, generally have to resort to some pretext of error or wick- 
edness, in their intended victims, for which they are professedly 
convicting and punishing them. 



We have had two revolutions in this country — the first took the 
rule from the British king and nobles, and left it chiefly in the 
hands of lawyers and others who composed the natural aristocra- 
cy of our own country ; the second, although designed to disarm 
this aristocratic league of privileged interests and individuals, in 
favour of just and equal measures, and place the power of govern- 
ment firmly in the hands of the people, was, nevertheless, mainly 
defeated, by the hypocritical arts and management of pretended 
republicans and patriots — who, while they openly professed to be 
labouring for the people, were secretly striving to delay, pervert, 
or defeat, every measure and attempt to complete the reform in- 
tended ; and have finally left the government of the whole United 
States, pretty much in the hands of the lawyers and their aristo- 
cratic confederates in interest and policy, with their several tools 
and underlings. 

A third revolution, it is hoped and trusted, will soon place the 
power of government effectually in the hands of the people, 
and guard them against any further dominion and controul, of 
any distinct interest, profession, or class of men. This, it is ho- 
ped will be effected peaceably, by the force of truth, justice and 
reason, and without bloodshed or violence. 



382 BRIEF GENERAL REMARKS 

" In the vice chancellor's court, Great-Britain, a suit lately 
ended with the consent of both parties, which has lasted fifty 
years. 

" The statues of England occupy 45,000 close quarto pages, 
and the reports of common law decisions continaally referred to, 
are contained in no less than 35,000 other pages. So that the 
evidential books of legal authority consist of about 100,000 pa- 
ges. These books are of course exclusive of the different 
abridgments and treatises of law, and arguments and comments 
on legal decisions. Of these, Vesey's Comyn's and Bacon's 
works, contain a quantity of type equal to 200,000 common octa- 
vo pages !" — Niks' Register. 

These are among the numerous facts and examples concerning 
the character and operation of the British law system, which 
many of our lawyers are endeavouring to patronize and follow ; 
while others, however, of the better sort, (who deserve every aid, 
protection and encouragement, and the highest honour and reward 
for their noble conduct,) have devoted themselves to the prepara- 
tion and establishment of a truly civilized and republican code of 
law. 

Many of our courts, and particularly that of the United States, 
is so tedious, and exorbitantly expensive, as to prove ruinous to 
many who have concerns therein, and is far beyond the means 
and use of many who have occasion for its protection. The ex- 
penses of one of the parties to a suit of ordinary magnitude in 
this court, has been known to be as high as twenty thousand 
dollars ! 



" The present Attorney General of England, in a speech rela- 
tive to the Chancery Court, delivered on the 22d of May last, 
(1827,) observed that there were then six thousand certificated at- 
torneys in the country, each making, on an average, a thousand 
pounds sterling a year by his profession.' 3 (Amounting to over 
twenty-six and a half millions of dollars!) 



Is the American press free, to promulgate every good and 
wholesome truth that concerns the people at large — or is there a 



ON A VARIETY OF SUBJECTS. 383 

secret censorship and controul exerted over it, by any profession 
class, league or combination of men, who have an interest differ- 
ent and distinct from the general good 1 and who finally manage 
to ensnare, intimidate and prevent the exercise of a necessary and 
manly freedom of the press. 

It highly concerns our good people to see to this matter, in 
earnest, for themselves, and before it be too late If the press is 
not sold, enslaved, or any way prevented from doing its duty to the 
people, let it speak out boldly and answer for itself. There is ev 
ery reasonable encouragement for the attempt. By maintaining 
the truth and usefulness of printed matter, enhances its value, 
and increases a general desire for reading. Which tends greatly 
to promote the business, honour and usefulness of printing. An 
article or product, will generally diminish, both in value, and de- 
mand, in proportion as it is adulterated, or any way debased or in- 
jured, in quality and worth. 



" During the period which elapsed between the overthrow of 
the British government in the United States and the establishment 
of the various systems of government, in the various states of the 
union, there was a pretty strong current, in favour of a proposi 
tion, that there is, in the nature of human society a foundation 
for the three-fold divisions of the one, the few, and the many. 5 ' — 
North American Review. 



Laws, and appointments to office, made by the public servants, 
should be faithfully designed for the promotion of the best good of 
the many — the people, the whole community together — instead of 
the aristocracy — the few individuals who generally study to con- 
troul the making and administration of the laws, and the appoint- 
ments to office, to favour their own privileged interests and de- 
signs. 



When the learned and wealthy form aristocratic leagues ; and 
when any body or number of men, secretly or openly join for the 
purpose of taking unjust and undue advantages of their fellow- 
men ; and whenever men combine their power and efforts to- 



8S4 BRIEF GENERAL REMARKS 

wrong, distress or any way injure a fellow-being, the common 
people should unite against them — the friends of justice and hu- 
manity should exert their best efforts to counteract and defeat 
the design ; and finally to establish and maintain, good and equal 
rules for the government of the whole. This is just, and abso- 
lutely necessary for the preservation of human liberty, and the 
rights of mankind in general. 



Some people say, " we must take the world as it is" — just as if 
it were not the duty of every good man, and every good woman, 
to counteract the efforts of those, who from ignorance or design, 
are labouring to make the world worse; and finally to exert our- 
selves to improve the general character and condition of mankind. 



THE END. 






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